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BIOGH^I^HY 



OF 



HON. FERM](DO WOOD, 



MAYOR OF THE CITY OF NEW-YORK. 



X 



cw-tJ2/t 



BY^ DONALD MAC LEOD, 

AUTHOR or ^'PYNNSntTRST," "BLOODSTONE," "LIFE OF SIE WALTEK SCOTT," ETC. 



:n'ew-yoki{:.' 

O. F. PARSONS, PUBLISHER, 140 NASSAU ST. 

boston: fetridge & co. 

PHILADELPHIA: J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. 

18 5 6. 






Entered, according to Act of Congress, iu the year I860, by 

O. F. PAESONS, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern 
District of New- York. 



JOHN A. GRAY, 

PEINTES AND 8TEREOTTPEK, 

95and97 01iflFst., N. Y. 



TO THE 



HON. EDWARD EVERETT, 



ILLUSTEIOUS SCHOLAR AND STATESMAN, 



THIS WORK, 



IS MOST RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I. 

National and Municipal Governments — Peculiarities of 
Government in the United States — Peculiar Condition 
AND Wants of New-York City, 12 



CHAPTER II 

Henry "Wood, Foundes of the Family — Religious Persecu- 
tion in New-England— Flight from Newport, and Settle- 
ment ON the Delaware, 16 



CHAPTER III. 

Peashore, and the Family there — Penn and the Quakers — 
the Patriarch's Death, and his Successors, . . . 27 



CHAPTER IV. 

War op Independence — Fighting Quakers — Maternal Ances- 
try — iMiiKDiATE Family op Fernando Wood, ... .^3 



IV CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER Y. 

Birth ant) Childhood of the Mayor — Early Independence 
AND Energy — Adventures and Anecdotes, ... 40 

CHAPTER VI. 

Cigar-Making — Congress, and Speeches there delivered — 
Henry Clay and the ex-Cigar-Maker— Poor Blumberg, . 47 

CHAPTER VII. 

Mrs. Wood's Family — an Adventure on the Isthmus, and a 
Trip to San Erancisco, 55 

CHAPTER VIII. 
Congress— THE I'iscal Speech, 62 

CHAPTER IX. 
Congress— THE Speech on the Tariff, 92 

CHAPTER X. 
Congress — Speech on Navy Appropriation Bill, .. . 112 

CHAPTER XI. 
Congress— the Naval Report, 136 

CHAPTER XII. 

Election to the Mayoralty — Difficulties of Government — 
Dispositions of the New Mayor— Co jiplaint-Book, , . 156 



CONTENTS. V 

CHAPTER XIII. 
The Police Chapter, 205 

\ CHAPTER XIV. 

"What we may legally have to drink, . . . . 252 

CHAPTER XV. 
About Emigrants, 2'? 2 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Reforms "demanded— Difficulties in the "Way — Reforms ob- 
tained — A Day in the Mayor's Office, . . . . 284 

CHAPTER XVII. 
Fernando "Wood, 29t 

APPENDIX. 
Letters and Messages, . . 301 



CHAPTER I . 

NATIONAL AND MTNICIPAL GOVERNMENT — PECULIARITIES OP GOVERN- 
MENT IN THE UNITED STATES — PECULIAR CONDITION AND WANTS OF 
NEW- YORK CITY. 

Ever since men stood in need of a government, they 
have disputed as to what was the best form and princi- 
ple for it. Monarchy, absolute and limited, hereditary 
and elective ; Empire ; Aristocracy ; Kepresentative Ee- 
publicanism; and Absolute Democracy, have all been 
tried — ^all had their merits and their difficulties ; all pro- 
duced loyalists and malcontents ; all have been over- 
thrown and reestabhshed ; all have their opponents and 
their votaries ; and each will have its respective enemies 
and defenders while this earth of ours shall exist. 

"We, the people of the United States, have decided 
that the best government for us is Kepresentative Ee- 
publicanism. 

Every country has national or general and municipal 
or city government ; and in no country in the world are 
these two so distinct. ISTay, we add even a third kind, 
State government, which is independent, and bears no 
resemblance to European provincial government. With 
this last, however, we have at present nothing to do. Our 



12 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO ^YOOD. 

national government is limited in its powers to tlie great 
general rule of the nineteen or twenty millions, wlio form 
the population of the States — ^to that and only that which 
concerns Maine and Louisiana, Pennsylvania and Ore- 
gon alike. But municipal governments apply particu- 
larly and individually, deal with you and with me per- 
sonally, as private citizens, as householders, as profes- 
sional men. There is no centralization — ^no capital of 
the land, in the European sense. Paris is France; Ber- 
lin is Prussia; Yienna is Austria; the judiciary, the 
bar, the pohce, the military, the license-laws, all issue 
from the capital, and pass through the entire realm ; but 
Washington has none of these powers out of the boun- 
daries of the small District of Columbia. That city is 
not the United States in this sense ; for, with few ex- 
ceptions, each State is an independent sovereignty ; and 
even cities are sometimes independent of the States in 
matters of pohce and finance, although that may be 
changed by alteration of charter. 

See, then, how widely distinct are our national and 
municijoal governments, and it is well so. This repub- 
licanism, with the powers of its representatives so 
limited, is found the most admirable general system for 
the nation ; but when you take into consideration the 
fabulous extent of territory, the extraordinary diversity 
of interests, the singular composition of the populace, 
Anglo-Saxon, Celtic, Norse, Teutonic, Gallic, etc., you 
will see how utterly impossible a thing it is for a central, 
unique capital to rule it intimately and well. 

Municipal government requires a certain local, inde- 
pendent power, so that its action may be instant, and its 



NATIONAL AND MUNICIPAL GOVEENMENT. 13 

aathoritj in particular points almost irresponsible, inas- 
mucli as none can see its necessities and its difficulties 
except those who live daily and hourly exposed to 
them. 

No man but a New-Yorker can imagine the difficulty 
of governing this city. He can not guess at it. Its 
population of nearly three quarters of a million occupies 
an area of twenty-two square miles, and is infinitely 
various in character, language, and ideas. Properly- 
called New-Yorkers — that is, natives of two or three 
descents — are almost extinct; their -number would 
scarcely reach a dozen of thousands. Of the old Dutch 
and English families very few remain ; the immigration 
from the Eastern States alone would out-number them ; 
and the overwhelming influx of Europeans of late years, 
while it has caused the unprecedented growth of the 
city, has helped still more to divide and subdivide the 
classes of inhabitants. There are thousands of Span- 
iards, and Frenchmen, and Italians ; there are hundreds 
of thousands of Irish and Germans ; there are quarters 
in the city populated by eighteen or twenty thousand 
souls, who speak no English ; the Saxon, Celt, Teuton, 
and Gaul are heaped together in the mighty town. And 
all these have different ideas of government, of the 
meaning of the word " liberty;" have different rules of 
action, different manners of thinking, different habits of 
life. 

They have national and natm*al antipathies for each 
other ; each race is jealous of the advance to power of 
the others ; each believes the other ambitious of influ- 
ence and capable of abusing that influence to the detri- 



14 BIOGKAPHY OF FEHXANDU WOOD. 

nient of all not belonging to itself. Again, New- York 
is the basket at tlie liospital-gate for European found- 
lings. WiM, rough, ignorant of the language, customs, 
and requirements of the citj, they are set upon our 
wharves by thousands to linger listlessly about the board- 
ing-houses and emigration-offices ; or to walk the streets 
with gaunt eyes wondering at the din and bustle, or 
with pale faces and outstretched hands sohciting charity 
from the stranger, upon whose pity they have wandered 
here to throw themselves. 

Kow, how to govern so huge, so densely packed a 
mass; how to unite or at least keep harmonio^is, so 
many, so powerful discordant elements ; how to recon- 
cile their antipathies, subdue their jealousies ; how to 
manage the newly-landed hordes of poor; how to please 
all, or at least to keep all quiet— these present a com- 
plicated problem, the solution of which requires a wise 
man. Where such a diversity of thought, language, 
rule of action, habit of judgment, predisposition, and 
effect of education exist, there is no such thing as one 
pubhc mind; v/here there is not one^ a single pubhc 
mind, it is almost impossible that the decrees or wishes 
of the government can be generally understood or made 
acceptable. Therefore, in order well to rule such a city, 
the government must have power commensurate with 
its necessities. If one State go wrong there are the 
other thirty to bring it back, because the nation has a 
common pubhc mind. But there being no such thing 
in New- York, city government becomes more difficult 
and requires more precise, more unquestionable power. 

Men in huo-e cities are careless about the ordinary 



NATIONAL AND MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT. 15 

events that occur daily in tlieir midst ; commercial New- 
York, so busy, so headlong, has no time to give to the 
study of its own indi\TLdual peculiarities. Our citizens 
are satisfied with a general knowledge of what the 
nation is doing and wanting, without troubling their 
heads about what is going on next door, or at the end 
of the block, or in the quarter where they do not reside. 
If they happen to see a man knocked down and robbed, 
they say: ''Ah! what are our governors about? there is 
a screw loose somewhere." They explain the matter 
philosophically to their wives, and at 12 M. next day, 
they have forgotten it. 

They have also the national defiance of intrusting 
their rulers at "Washington, the President and the Con- 
gress, with power ; they have the same fear of intrust- 
ing their municipal rulers with power. Because they 
do not see the precise condition of the populace here, 
the absolute need of additional, positive authority ; be- 
cause they do not reflect that no other such city, no city 
with such peculiarities, difficulties, and necessities exists 
here, or, indeed, upon the face of the whole earth. 

Because of this lack of observation and reflection,. a 
demand for more power would probably be unpopular. 
Therefore it is a brave thing to demand it, and patiently 
to set to work to prove that it is needed. The man who 
demands it is brave ; the man who obtains it is capable^ 
and if capable, a fit ruler for you and for me. 

To write the life and career of such an one is an hon- 
orable task for the man of letters ; is a good deed done 
for the people. 



CHAPTER II. 

HENRY -WOOD, THE FOUNDER OF THE FAMILY — HELIGIOUS PERSECUTION' 
IN NEW-ENGLAND — FLIGHT FROM NEWPORT AND SETTLEMENT ON THE 
DELAWARE. 

The history of this country's original settlement is 
the history of religious persecution. The Puritans, self- 
exiled for conscience' sake to New-England, were more 
fiercely and implacably intolerant than their Episcopa- 
lian foes in England had been. Eoger Williams, the 
Baptist, was driven to and colonized Providence, Ehode- 
Island; and Henry Wood, a Quaker, who had emi- 
grated from Wales about 1650, was further compelled 
to leave Massachusetts, to save life and property. 

He, the first of the family in America, was born in 
1616 ; but the stern period of the Protectorate rendered 
a stay in his native country impossible. He fled to New- 
England, but only to discover that the Puritans in their 
new home were more bitterly severe than in the old land 
of their nativity. Their only idea of religious liberty 
was that others were free to believe their sour dogmas, 
and no other thing. They were particularly violent 
against the Quaker. The Blue-Laws forbade him food 
or lodging, and the laws of the Plymouth Colony were 
still more severe. In one case the court decided, "that 



THE FOUNDER OF THE FAMILY. 17 

in case any shall bring in any Quaker, Eantor, or other 
notorious lieretique, either by lande or water, into any 
parte of this government," he shall be condemned to 
pay twenty-five shillings a week penalty, or take the 
said "heretique" away. 

October 6, 1657, however, witnessed the passing of 
the crowning glory of Pilgrim-paternal legislation : "As 
an addition to the late order in reference to the coming 
or bringing in of the cursed sect of Quakers into this 
jurisdiction, it is ordered, that whosoever shall hence- 
forth bring or cause to be brought, directly or indirectly, 
any known Quaker or Quakers, or other blasphemous 
heretiques, into this jurisdiction, every such person shall 
forfeit the sum of one hundred pounds to the country, 
and shall by warrant from any magistrate, be committed 
to prison, there to remain until the penalty be satisfied 
and paid. And if any person or persons within this 
jurisdiction shall henceforth entertain or concealany such 
Quaker or Quakers, or other blasphemous heretiques, 
knowing them to be so, every such person shall forfeit 
to the country forty shillings for such entertainment of 
any Quaker or Quakers, as aforesaid, and shall be com- 
mitted to prison, as aforesaid, until the forfeiture be 
fully satisfied and paid : and it is further ordered, that 
if any Quaker or Quakers shall presume, after they have 
once suffered what the law requireth, to come into this 
jurisdiction, every such male Quaker shall for his first 
offense have one of his ears cut off, and be kept at work 
att the house of correction until he can be sent away att 
his own charge: and for the second offense, he shall 
have the other ear cut off, and be kept at the house of 



18 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

correction as aforesaid. And every woman Quaker that 
hath suffered the law here, and hath presumed to come 
into this jurisdiction, shall be severely whipt and kept 
at the house of correction until, etc. And for every 
Quaker, he or she, that shall a third time herein again 
offend, they shall have their tongues bored through with 
a hot iron and be kept, etc." 

Where such laws were in fashion, it is not at all 
astonishing that ship-builder Henry Wood, an energetic 
man, should soon find himself in collision mth the an- 
thorities, and find that his only safety lay in flight. He 
took a sloop which he o-\vned, perhaps which he had 
builded, put his wife, his sons — clever, well-grown boys 
— and his other valuables, aboard, or at least such as he 
could lay hands on at short notice, and so put forth fi:'om 
intolerant New-England. By way of help on the voyage, 
he took with him a very limited general knowledge of 
navigation, a fine, persistent will, some trust in God, and 
a wife who helped him navigate and stood her watch at 
the wheel or tiller like a staunch sailor. 

This brave Quaker, Henry Wood, steered south-west, 
probably because pleasant winds came from that direc- 
tion, and he fancied that sweet winds come from pleasant 
places. Anyhow, he steered south-westwardly, and by 
the blessing of Heaven, he made Cape May one morning. 
He did not know where he was precisely ; but as there 
was rather a nice inlet and a fine bay, he put his helm 
up, and ran with such breeze as he could get, up the 
Delaware Eiver, Forests and plains, sunny slopes of 
upland, pleasant valleys, and a hill or so, he doubtless 
saw : but for the first thirty miles, nothing that looked 



THE FOUNDER OF THE FAMILY. 19 

like hmnanity, far less like civilized liumaiiity. But, so 
mucli of tlie voyage accomplished, lie came upon certain 
huts, built there in 1643 by adventurous Swedes, and 
now in 1855 called hj us moderns Newcastle. 

The Swedes had been in the neighborhood since 1637, 
purchasing at that time from the Indians the whole dis- 
trict of country up the Delaware from the Capes to Tren- 
ton, some thirty miles or so above the present site of 
Philadelphia. They called these lands New-Sweden. 
It was from these settlers that Penn bought the site of 
Philadelphia and of other portions of the country. The 
seller's name was Sven, which was corrupted into Swan ; 
and Sven's seener, or the sons of Sven, have their name 
still commemorated by Swanson street in Southwark. 

This Swedish settlement was, in 1655, conquered by 
our own doughty Petrus Stuyvesant, hard koepig Piet, 
who, with many voluminously-breeched Dutchmen, and 
with his brave trumpeter Anthony doubtless, came 
valiantly up the Delaware, and did then and there man- 
fully set upon and conquer those pestilent Swedes. Af- 
ter which important event, the colony became Dutch in 
ownership and government, but remained purely Swed- 
ish in populace. They were good people, these Swedes, 
kmd and just to the Indians, and therefore trusted and 
beloved by those red people, mth whom they lived in 
friendship and mutual kind feeling, when our adventurer 
sailed up the Delaware. 

But Swedes are not Quakers, and his late experiences 
had induced him to prefer communication with the 
members of that sect rather than with any other people. 
So he would not stop, nor hold communication with 



20 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

those blonde-liaired men, nor let them come aboard, but 
drove right on nntil his eje fell upon a spot where he 
fancied he might live in peace, although such peace 
might include considerable isolation. 

I don't know that he beached the sloop, but I rather 
fancy he did; and then, like ISToah, he and his wife and 
his sons came out of their ark, and went bravely up into 
the forest, to make for themselves what manner of home 
their own stout hearts and arms could a,ccomplish. 
Sharp axes and some physical strength were needed in 
those rough days of America, when thirty miles up the 
Delaware was backwoods, and we presume that Henry 
Wood was provided with both; for the kingly trees 
were felled, a clearing made, a cabin built, as nicely as 
could be managed at the time, and Henry and his wife 
and boys entered therein and dwelt there. 

Doubtless there were seeds of maize, and wheat, and 
oats among the sloop's stores, which he and the boys 
planted as best they might. At least he and they might 
live there and preach, if it pleased them, without having 
their "tongues bored through with a hot iron." Eela- 
tively speaking, even this cabin in the forest was a 
change for the better. When the smoke came out of 
the chimneys or the crannies in the logs, as the case may 
have been, it rose up and floated over lands which he 
just now some five nules above Camden ; that is, oppo- 
site to the pleasant though rectangular city of Phila- 
delphia. 

His Majesty James Stuart., Seventh of Scotland, and 
Second of England, was the kind friend and gener- 
ous protector of the peaceful though much-persecuted 



THE FOUNDER OF THE FAMILY. 21 

Quakers. Shortly after Ms accession to tlie tlirone, more 
than four hundred of those religionists were released 
from prison at one time. William Penn was the per- 
sonal and famihar friend of the king, passed much of 
his time at court, and was supposed to have more influ- 
ence than any other person there. It was in payment of 
an old debt due from the crown, that the grant of the 
American province was made to him ; and when, in the 
year of our Lord sixteen hundred and eighty -three, he 
came with his colonists to found Philadelphia, he was 
met by Henry "Wood, who had lived alone in the forest 
there on the banks of the Delaware, with his stout- 
hearted wife and sons, his broad-brimmed principles, 
and his absolute determination to keep his conscience 
free. 

"Wood was the first white man to mount the quarter- 
deck of the owner and lord of Pennsylvania ; and it is 
said, that when he saw his brethren in the faith, he, like 
the patriarch of old, lifted up his voice and wept for 
joy that his twenty-seven years of isolation were at 
an end. 

He had settled, as we have seen, in the vicinity of 
Camden ; indeed his tract comprehended the site of that 
city ; settling first, as men did in those days, without 
troubling himself about the ownership of the place, but 
afterwards, like a just man, purchasing fairly from the 
Indians the huge property. The savage caUed the eastern 
lands of the Delaware, where now are the counties of 
Burlington^ Gloucester, and Camden, Arwowmosse, and 
hereabout Wood added to his vast, estate, by purchase 
from one Samuel Cole, several hundred acres more of 



22 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

lands. Tlie deed is old and quaint, and it may gratify 
some readers' curiosity to see liow conveyancing was 
accomplislied in those primitive times of America. 

THE DEED. 

This Indenture made the fifth day of September in the yeare of 
our Lord according to English Accompt, one Thousand Six Hun- 
dred Eighty and Two Betweeue Samuell Cole of Arwawmosse in the 
Province of "West Jersey, Yeoman and Elizabeth his Wife of the 
One part, and Henry Wood now or late of Newport upon Road 
Island in new England Carpenter of the other part Witnesseth, that 
the said Samuell Cole for & in consideration of the Sura of fifty 
three pounds of Current money (that is to say) flfteene pounds (part 
thereof) of lawful English money and Thirty and eight pounds (the 
remainder thereof) of Currant Boston money of new England to him 
the said Samuell Cole in hand paid & secured to bee paid by the 
said Henry Wood at or before the sealeing and delivery of these 
p'sents the receipt whereof Hee the said Samuell Cole doth hereby 
acknowledge and thereof and of every part and parcell thereoff doth 
acquit Exonorate Deliver and Discharge the said Henry Wood his 
heires Executors & Administrator's and every of them for ever by 
these p^sents. And the rather for that it stands with the good will & 
knowing of the said Elizabeth the wife of the said Samuell and by her 
consent and appointm't certifyed by her being a party to these p^sents 
and putting her hand and seale hereunto. Hath Granted Bargained 
and Sold Assigned Enfeoffed Released and Confirmed. And by the 
these p'-sents doth fully, clearly and absolutely Grant Bargain & sell 
Assign Enfeoffe Release and Confirm unto the said Henry Wood his 
Heires and Assignes for ever (in his Actual possession now being by 
virtue of a Bargaine & Sale for one whole yeare to him thereof made 
by Indenture hereupon endorsed bearing date the day before the 
date of these p'-sents and of the Statute for transferring uses in pos- 
session) one twentieth p'-te (in Twenty prts divided or to be divided) 
of that Propriety or tract of Land in West new Jersey aforesaid pur- 
chased by him the said Samuell Cole, and Benjamin Bartlett of Wil- 



THE FOUNDEK OF THE FAMILY. 23 

Ham Pcnu, Gawen Lawey Nicholas Lucas and Edward Billings by 
Indenture of Lease and Release beareiug date the first & second days 
of March in the yeare of our Lord 1G76. And alsoe all that the 
Dwelling House or Tenement of him the said Samuell Cole situate 
standing or being at Arwawmosse aforesaid wherein hee the said Sa- 
muell Cole now inhabitteth, with all and singular the outhousing and 
appurtenances thereunto belonging. And also one hundred Acres of 
Land now being the plantation of him the said Samuell Cole whereon 
the said dwelling house stands with all and every the foulds yards back- 
sides orchards gardens floures walls wayes waters & pitts commodities 
& improvements to the said one hundred Acres or Plantation belonging 
or appertaining with all and every the mines minerals woods fishings 
hawkiugs huntings & fowlings and all other pitts and commodities Here- 
ditam** and Appurtances to the said Granted premises or any prte or 
drcll thereoff belonging or appertaining (except & reserved foth of this 
Grant unto the said Samuell Cole his Heires & Assigns for ever one ' 
Cow House belonging to the said Dwelling House) And all the Estate 
Right Tytle Interest and possession property clayme and demand 
whatsoever of him the said Samuell Cole or Elizabeth his Wife or 
either of them of, in or unto the same or any prte or prcU thereof. 
And the Reversion & Reversions Remainder or Remainders of the 
same. ,And all deeds evidences and. writings concerning the said 
Granted pi-misses onely or onely any pte or prcll thereof and true 
coppies of such other deeds evidences and writings as are in the Cus- 
tody or possession of the said Samuell Cole which concerne the said 
Granted premises joyntly with other lands, such said copies to bee 
made out and written at the pper costs and charges of the said Henry 
Wood his heires or assigns To have and to hold the said granted 
premises or herein and hereby mentioned or intended to bee granted 
bacgained or sold with their or every of their Appurtenances (except 
before excepted) unto the said Henry Wood his heires and assigns for 
ever to the only proper use and behoof of him the said Henry Wood 
his heires and assigns for evermore. And the saide Samuell Cole, for 
himselfe his heires, executors and Admtrs. do covenant devise and grant 
to and with the said Henry Wood, his heires and assignes by the s* pre- 
sents and it shall and may bee lawful to and for the said Henry Wood 



24 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

hisheires and assignes for ever hereafter peaceably and quietly to have, 
hold, use occupie possesse and enjoy the said granted premises and 
every pts and prcis, thereof with theire appurtn", without any law let 
suits trouble dangers, eviction, ejection or disturbance of him the said 
Samuel Cole and Elizabeth his wife or either of them their or either 
of their heires or assignes or of any other psous, their assignes or any 
other prsons lawfully clayming or to to be claymed in, by, from, or 
under them or either or any of them, freed, discharged of and from 
all other estates tytles, dower, tytle of dower troubles charges, bur- 
thens, and incumbrances whatsoever had made, done, committed or 
suffered or hereafter to be had made, done, committed suffered or 
* * ^ * * by the said Samuel Cole and Elizabeth his wife or either 
of thera their or either of their heirs or assignes, or by any other 
pson or psons clayming or to be claymed by — * * * [Here follows 
a line illegible because of the dilapidations of this quaint old deed] 
forth of the said granted premises unto James Duke of Yorke his 
heires and assignes excepted and foreprized^ and further that the said 
Samuel Cole and Elizabeth his wife and their heires shall and will, at 
the request, cost and charges of the said Henry Wood, his heires 
executors and assignes at all or any tyme or tymes, dureing the terme 
and space of seven yeares next ensueing the date hereof, make, doe, 
execute and suffer or cause to be made done executed and sufftyed, all 
or any such other acte or acts, thing or things conveyance or assur- 
ance or by the same Henry AVood, his heirs or assignes shall be 
reasonably and lawfully required for the further better and more per- 
fecte conveying and assuring the said granted premises and every prt 
and prcl of the said premises unto the said Henry Wood his heires 
and assignes forever according to the purport, true intent and meaning 
of these prsts, soe as that for the doeing and executing thereof, the 
said prties, who shall bee required to make such further assurance bee 
not bee compelled or compellable to travel further than the space of 
twelve miles from his or their place of aboad at the tyme of such 
request to be made and soe as such further conveyance or assurance 
containe noe further or larger warrantee than as aforesaide. 

In Witness whereof the said prties to these prsnts ; interchange- 
ably have sette theire hands and seales, the day and yeares above 
written 1682. 



THE FOUNDER OF THE FAMILY. 25 

Here follows the confiiTaation of the above deed by 
Wm. Penn or others associated with him in the commis- 
sion which contained his grant of Pennsylvania. 

Tins IxDEXTuuE made the fowreth, 4tb, day of September iu the 
yeare off our Lord according to English accompts one thousand six 
hundred and eighty and two, betweeue Samuel Cole of Arwawmosse 
in the province of West Jersey Yeoman of the one pte and Ileury 
Wood now or late of Newport, Road Island in New England, Car- 
penter of the other part Witnesseth, that the said Samuel Cole for 
and in consideration of Five shillings of Currant English money to 
him in hand by the said Henry Wood at and before the sealing and 
delivery of these presents whereof and wherewith hee the said Samuel 
Cole doth hereby acknowledge himselfe fully satisfyed contented and 
paid hath devised granted bargained and sold And by these psnts doth 
demise grant bargain and sell unto the said Henry Wood his Exrs 
Admtrs and assignes one twentieth pt (in twenty pts divided or to be 
divided) of that portion or tract of land in West New Jersey afore- 
said purchased by the said Samuel Cole & Benjamin Bartlett of 
William Penn Gawen Lowrey and Nicholas Lucas and Edwarrd Bil- 
lings by indenture of lease and release bearing date the first and second 
dayes of March in the year of o' Lord 1676 and alsoe all that the 
dwelling house or tenem* of him the said Samnel Cole situate stand- 
ing or being at Arwawmosse aforesaid wherein hee the said Samuell 
inhabitteth with all and singular the outhouses and appurtenances 
thereunto belonging and also one hundred acres of land more being 
the plantation of him the said Samuell Cole whereon the said dwell- 
ing house stands with all and every the ffoulds yards backsides orchards 
gardens flowers walls ways waters prfitts commodities improvements 
to the said one hundred acres or plantation belonging or appertayn- 
ing with all and erery the mines mineralls woods ffishing hawkings 
huntings and ffowlings and all other prfitts commodities hereditam** 
and appurtenances to the said granted p'misses or any pt or prcell 
thereof belonging or appertayning except reserved forth of this devise 
grant unto the said Samuell Cole his heires and assignes forever one 
cowhouse belonging to the said dwelling house to have and to hold 
2 



26 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

the said devised and granted p''misses and every p' and p'cell thereof 
with their and every of their appurtenances (except before excepted) 
unto the said Henry Wood his Exrs Admrs and assignes from the 
day before the date hereof for and during one whole yeare from thence 
next ensuing fully to be compleat and ended to the intent that by 
vertue of these p'"sents and for the statute for transferring uses into 
possession he the said Henry "Wood may be actuall possessor of the 
eaid p^^misses and may be enabled to accept and take a grant of the 
revision of the p''misses to the uses thereof to be declared. 

In Witnesse whereof the said prties to these p'sent Indentures Inter- 
changeably hav sett their hands and scales the day and yeare first 
above written 1682. 

Tlie above deed and confirmation appear to have been 
duly acknowledged before Elias Farr and James Dev en- 
port in tlie presence of Samuel Lorings, Eobert "Wade, 
Thos. KeveU. 

Endorsed on tlie Parcliment appears as follows : 

"Entered into the Records of the Province above sd in the 6Q & 
67 pages of book B. by me Tho Revell, Record'. 

Also: 

"Aprill ye 12'h Acpp' 1689. 

" Granted that a warrant to Henry Wood for ye survey of sd 
second of the within Granted premises be issued promptly 

per me. John Redding. 



CHAPTER III. 

PEASnORE, AND THE FAMILY TIIEPwE — PENN AND THE QUAKERS — THE 
patriarch's DEATH, AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 

The precise spot on which the worthy Friend builded 
his house and dwelt, he called Peashore, because of the 
abundant crops of that delicious esculent produced by 
the seeds which came in the sloop from Newport, and 
Peashore has been the family homestead ever since. 
Here were born and lived the ancestors of the Mayor of 
this our Empire City, and not far off is the burial- 
ground where, one by one, as they grew old and weary, 
they were carried and laid down to rest. 

Henry and Benjamin were the names of the two sons, 
of whom the former died soon after the new settlement, 
and of whom nothing is recorded save that he lived and 
helped his father, and died in the midst of his youth. 
But Benjamin, who was born in England in 1649, lived 
stoutly, and when he grew old enough was endowed by 
his father with an estate of seven hundred and eighty- 
four acres, whereof the record may be seen to this day 
in Book M. S. B., pp. 162 to 164, at the Kegister's office 
in Burlington, ISTew-Jersey. It seems that they were 
carried there when the record-office of Gloucester 



28 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

conntj was destroyed, during tlie stormy times of tlie 
War of Independence. 

Armed with the royal grant, William Penn went 
resolutely to work to establish his new colony on a firm 
basis. He made his famous treaty with the Indians, 
shaming, by its moderation and kind integrity, the cruel 
and unjust way of dealing which was generally adopted 
by other white settlers in this country. 

There was much to do. A constitution was to be 
formed, a legislative assembly and supreme council to 
be chosen. All were free to believe as they pleased, 
and go to what church they liked, provided only that 
they did not believe in the innocence of stage-plays; or 
pledging of healths. Then there were quarrels with 
Lord Baltimore about the boundary line between Penn's 
grant and Maryland, which doubtless vexed the worthy 
Quaker's soul. There were also the Swedes and Hol- 
landers to be naturalized, and taxes and imposts to be 
regulated, and their collection to be provided for. 

But at last all this work was accomphshed, and the 
" Grovernor and proprietary" of the Province saw his 
colony in a condition prosperous and likely to prosper. 

No one enjoyed a closer intimacy with Penn than 
Henry Wood. From his long residence in the country 
before the arrival of the great Quaker, he was familiarly 
kno"^Ti to and trusted by the natives. Consequently, 
he was employed as arbiter and regulator of disputes, 
which might arise between the whites and Indians. His 
reputation as pioneer, and the long experience which he 
had enjoyed, made him naturally the counsellor and 
protector of the young colony, and his many and im- 



PEASHORE, THE FAMILY SEAT. 29 

portant services were rewarded by Penn with a confirm- 
ation of title to the property which he already held by 
purchase from the Indians. 

So at last the end came. The snows of seventy-eight 
winters were white upon the staunch old Quaker's head; 
the tall, powerful frame was beginning to bow and grow 
feeble, and at last, in 1694, he put off the robes of this 
mortality, and lay down in the burial-gi'ound at Pea- 
shore beside his first-born son. 

Thirty-eight years before, he had settled where his 
dust reposes now, coming out of his sloop and planting 
his dried peas. Persecution drove him from his native 
land, and followed him to that which he adopted. For 
him there was no religious peace nor freedom to worship 
God either in Old or New-England. The civilized, the 
learned, the Christian populations had no charity for 
him or for his creed, and so he took refuge in the wild 
forest among the dusky savage tribes, and the savage 
gave him hospitality and liberty of conscience; learned 
to respect and confide in Mm ;"gave him a share of their 
lands, and bade hhn stay there and be happy, without 
fear of prison, or stocks, or whipping, or of having his 
tongue bored through with a red-hot iron for speaking, 
when the Spirit moved him, the words which such Spirit 
incited him to say. 

Benjamm Wood succeeded to the large property left 
by his father, as well as to the indomitable energy and 
excellent characteristics of the old man. He continued 
the clearing of the forest and the cultivation of the land, 
and added thereto another source of wealth. He em- 



80 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

barked largely in the Delaware fisheries, wliicli were 
excellent particularly, as at this day, for shad, and sup- 
plied the new colony of Philadelphia and its broad- 
brimmed inhabitants with that delicate fish. And so 
his wealth increased, and would have been enormous 
but for a great good-nature and perhaps over-generous 
temperament. 

People were settling now along the opposite shores of 
the Delaware, and he was always ready to assist them 
with money or a bit of land, as the case might be. At 
last he managed to pass away the whole of his immense 
estate, except the old house, the burial-ground, and 
about a thousand acres more. Tradition tells the story 
on this wise : That Mr. Wood had long been urged to 
sell, but had an unconquerable dislike to do so. A 
friend of his, however, living in Camden and Philadel- 
phia, induced him to grant a lease of his estate for 
ninety -nine years; and Wood, persuaded that the fish- 
eries were less laborious than farming, and far more 
profitable, agreed, and signed the instrument. All was 
conveyed, but what we have excepted, for several miles 
along the river, including the site of Camden, a property 
now worth many millions. 

* Well, this lease has disappeared ; lost, stolen, or de- 
stroyed, no one knows what, but at any rate gone from 
human sight altogether. The older members of the 
family have employed lawyers and antiquarians, have 
instituted careful researches, but without effect, and in 
spite of the belief of all the descendants of Henry 
Wood, that the paper was a lease and no other thing, 



31 



tlie splendid property is lost to them for want of written 
evidence, and must remain in the hands of those who 
hold it now. 

So Benjamin Wood went on driving his trade in fish 
with his Philadelphian brethren, and cultivating his 
thousand acres at Peashore until, in 1718, he was peace- 
ably gathered to his fathers. 

Three sons outlived him — Henry, Benjamin, and Isaac, 
of whom the second died i«rjTmth and childless. Isaac 
moved nine miles down the river, and founded there a 
little separate colony, which soon became a town, and 
which conirq^morates liis enterprise and bears his name 
to this day — it is the town of Woodbury, in ISTew-Jer- 
sey, although then it formed a portion of the Pennsyl- 
vanian grant. 

Isaac, too, died childless, for his two sons preceded 
him in death, and Henry was left to perpetuate the 
family and keep the name of the old pioneer in the 
memories of men. He did both admirably, for he had 
seven children and his grandsire's character. 

He was a quiet, placid man, an inveterate^ calm, ob- 
stinate disciple of Greorge Fox, a Quaker according to 
the strictest sect of that peculiar religion ; stuck to broad 
skirts and brims ; combed the curls out of his hau' ; used 
the second person singular in conversation, instead of 
f6llowing the example of what is called polite society ; 
was benevolent, and good, and kind, and probably, as 
is the wont of that sect to-day, had his plain coat made 
of the finest possible cloth, of the most exquisite possi- 
ble shade. He lived at Peashore, wore his distmctive 
garments, was gentle and friendly to all his neighbors. 



82 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

did his duty, never had his tongue bored through with 
a hot iron, and went away finally about the year of God 
seventeen-seventy, to receive such reward as his Maker 
had in store for hinu 



CIIAPTEB IV. 

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE — FIGHTING QUAKERS — MATERNAL ANCESTRY 
— IMMEDIATE FAMILY OF FERNANDO 'WOOD. 

Then Henry, his son, succeeded liim. And lie, 
too, cultivated Peashore and Avent in the way of his 
fathers — at least, in all points but one. Although a 
Quaker, and having by inheritance and conviction the 
horror of warfare for which that sect is distinguished, 
yet when, in 1775, the country was aroused to assert its 
independence of Great Britain, he did as others of his 
co-religionists did, girded his loins and went out as a 
man of war. Doubtless he remembered the wrongs 
which his people had suffered from persecuting England, 
his great-grandfather's exile and long, lonely sojourn in 
the western wilderness ; doubtless, too, a pure patriotism 
was his chief influence and inducement ; and perh'kps 
we may venture to suggest that under that plain^drab 
coat there lingered still a little of the old Adam. 

There was room enough in him to hold all these 

motives, for though only eighteen years old, he held his 

stalwart figure erect, was over six feet in height, and 

weighed two hundred pounds. An ugly customer to 

2* 



34 BIOGRAPHY OF I^RNANDO -^^OOD. 

cross, with tliat inherited persistent will of his, Quaker 
though he were. 

There were giants on the earth in those days, for in the 
whole troop which he raised and commanded, no soldier 
was under six feet. So, with these stout fellows behind 
him, Henry Wood set up for a soldier, keeping at first 
about the neighborhood of his home. At last came the 
battle of Germantown, fought in that suburb, on the 
4th day of October, 1777, whereat our young captain, 
riding at the head of his men, received a severe wound, 
which did not, however, disable him from further war- 
fare ; but he went on fighting for his native land, and 
was turned out of meeting by his brethren in conse- 
quence. 

His elder brother, Isaac, participated in the general 
feeling, and helped the cause of independence forward, 
both with tongue and purse, rousing the farmers with 
one, and supplying the sinews of war with the other. 
The other children were then too young for such 
service. 

But if the long war of the Eevolution resulted in the 
complete independence of the colonies and the formation 
of the United States, it also brought Henry Wood to the 
verge of pecuniary ruin. His constant martial activity 
of course prevented him from giving proper attention to 
his farm: his family was very large, eight boys and 
three girls, to be provided for, so that with much going 
out, and nothing coming in, debts began to accumulate 
and creditors to press for payment. Bit after bit of the 
lands of Pcashore had to be sold to satisfy these de- 
mands; and at the beginning of the present century, . 



THE WAK OF INDEPENDENCE. oL> 

there wa.s little left to Henry Wood but the old God's 
acre, where he too expected to be one day quietly at 
rest. 

Of his large family, we have little to say. Two sons, 
Joseph and Henry, men of wealth and high respectabil- 
ity, still live at Trenton, in New- Jersey ; the daughters 
married well, and all appear to have maintained the 
worthy and firm character derived from the old man, 
whose sloop first came to Peashore. Only of one have 
we something more particular to say. 

Benjamin Wood, father of the present Mayor, was 
born on the 15th of February, 1784, and at an eariy 
age quitted the Delaware home, at Peashore, to go 
and learn how to be a wholesale dry-goods merchant, in 
the city of brotherly love. We dare say he acquitted 
himself as v;-ell in this peaceable calling, as his father 
had in battling ; at any rate, he took to early independ- 
ence, and at the age of twenty-two, with the aid of such 
capital as the old soldier could give him — not much, we 
suppose — he started in trade for himself; his father, how- 
ever, retaining some interest in the business. 

Next year, on January 6, the young man married, 
and five years afterwards, Fernando was bom. The 
father continued business in Philadelphia, subject to the 
varied chances of trade. During the war of 1812 to 
1815 hLs succesj5 was brilliantly steadfa^^^ yut peace, that 
brought good to all others, brought distress to liim. A 
very large stock of goods, then in his store, depreciated 
very much and suddenly in value, and the result was 
bankruptcy. 

However, he cleared away the wreck as best he might, 



36 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

and, thougli his health was broken and his strength im- 
paired, he hoped, and waited, and showed the onward 
determined will which characterized his family. His 
health demanded an absolute change of chmate, and so 
he took his wife and little ones, six in number at the 
time, and started on a southern tour. First to Ken- 
tucky, and then down the Ohio and the turbulent, huge 
Mississippi to JSTew-Orleans. From JSTew-Orleans Ije 
went to the Havana, and thence, with recruited ener- 
gies, back northward to settle permanently, in 1821, in 
this city of Kew-York, and re-commence business as a 
merchant. 

We have seen the warlike Quaker father expelled 
from that peaceable sect for his martial tendencies, and 
the children, it would appear, have not returned to its 
communion. Mr. Benjamin "Wood was an elder, mth 
Colonel Eutgers and William B. Crosby, in the Market- 
street Presbyterian Church, and so remained until the 
extreme severity of the winter of 1832 drove him south- 
ward in search of a more genial climate. He found it 
at Charleston, South-Carolina, but it could not restore 
him to health. He lingered there till the month of No- 
vember, and then died. 

Old residents of ISTew-York remember him well, and 
speak freely of his virtues, and of certain characteristics 
of his, the development of which in the Mayor of New- 
York have much interested the public. They speak of 
his kindness of heart ; his integrity in business ; his abso- 
lute onward-going where duty or supposed duty called 
him; his self-rehance ; his steadfast will; his great in- 
dustry, and immense endurance. 



THE WAR OF INDEPENDEKCE, 87 

We have done now Avith Mr. Wood's paternal ances- 
try, and liave a word or two to say of his excellent 
mother, who now lives in good health with her distin- 
guished son. Her grandfather, General Lehman, was a 
gallant officer of the famous ten years' war in Germany, 
where he served from 1740 to 1750, with distinction. 
The son of tliis gentleman, Henry Lehman, was born in 
the free town of Hamburgh, 1745, immigrated to Ame- 
rica before the war of the Kevolution, and settled in 
Gloucester county, a few miles below Woodbury. 

Oddly enough, here was another warlike Quaker, 
who did precisely as Henry Wood had done; took 
off the drab coat, and put on the gold-laced blue; 
served through the whole war, got tui-ned out of meet- 
ing, was an officer in the same battle of Germantown, 
and got shot through both cheeks by a British bullet, 
which cut off a slice of his tongue, and carried away 
several of his teeth on its swift road through. 

Kebecca, his daughter, had been a schoolmate of 
young Benjamin Wood, had grown up with him, was his 
child sweetheart in their^ earlier days, and the faithful, 
affectionate wife of his manhood. There was good sol- 
dier blood in her too. She could follow her husband 
cheerfully through Kentucky, Louisiana, and Havana, 
and when the time came for showing more absolute, per- 
sonal, and, in a woman, unexpected courage, she was not 
found wanting. 

Some time before her husband's death, during his ab- 
sence from the house, Mrs. Wood had gone into her 
next door neighbor's for some purpose, leaving a servant 
sitting at the open door. But while the mistress was 



88 BIOGRAPHY OF FEKNANDO WOOD 

absent, the servant disappeared, and, tlie door being lef( 
invitingly open, a big negro walked in and began to 
investigate the contents of the house with an ultimate 
view to the personal appropriation of any portable arti- 
cles of value that he might discover. 

On her return, the lady found no servant, but the 
door still open, and the hall lamp extinguished. Her 
children, sleeping above, first occupied her, and she 
moved upstairwards, untD. she found her path obstructed 
by the said big negro. To her c\emand of what he 
wanted there, he made no answer, but only tried to 
push past her. She seized the fellow, uttering this gen- 
tle admonition : "If you move an inch, I'll blow your 
brains out 1" and called for hghts. The servant came 
from below stairs with a candle, and discovered the 
darkey with his arms fuU of property. Her cries 
brought the watch, and Sambo, stripped of his ill-gotten 
goods, was hospitably entertained by the municipal gov- 
ernment. Mrs. Wood of course had no pistol wherewith 
to accomplish her threat, and one blow from the fellow's 
fist would have stunned her. 

But she could do more than this if it were needed : 
she could and did fight side by side \vith her husband. 
They were at Edenton, North-Carohna, in the year 1811, 
during an insurrection of the slaves there. The pro- 
prietor of the house in which they were staying was 
obnoxious to the negroes, and they had determined to 
destroy him and all the inmates of the house. But 
these latter were prepared, and at the first noise near 
their room, Mr. "Wood, well armed, came out, followed 
by his wife, also armed. They were instantly attacked 



THE WAR OF INDEPENDEISTCE. 89 

by four negroes, with clubs, but the battle was short, for 
Mr. Wood shot two of the assassins, while his wife felled 
the others to the ground. 

In her twenty-five years of wedlock, Mrs. "Wood re- 
mained the friend, consoler, companion of her husband. 
She bore him seven children — five sons and two daugh- 
ters — and now resides with her son Fernando, vigorous 
in body and in mind. 

The eldest son, Maundred, went early in life to Texas, 
while that State was still a province of the Mexican Re- 
public. He took part in the revolution there, and was 
present at the storming of the Alamo, and with General 
Houston at the battle of San Jacinto. After the inde- 
pendence of Texas was estabhshed, he served in several 
positions of distinction, and died there. The other 
children reside in Kew- York city, except Adolphus, a 
pliysician of some distinction, living in Missouri. 



CHAPTEH V. 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD OF THE MAYOR — EARLY IXDEPENDEls^CE AND 
ENERGY — ADVENTURES AND ANECDOTES. 

Feom such a stock there is descended the subject of 
these memoirs, Fernando Wood, now Mayor of the City 
of New- York. In his veins flows the blood of the 
peaceful yet sturdy Quaker, who could suffer for 
conscience' sake with fortitude, but could not renounce 
his faith ; at once a non-combatant Friend and a stal- 
wart pioneer in the wilderness of the Delaware. In the 
same veins flows the blood of that Newport exile's. 
peaceful descendants, whose calm agricultural lives 
passed away tranquilly at Peashore ; the blood of the 
patriot soldier who disobeyed his religion for his 
country; the blood of the stout comrade of Tilly or 
Wallenstein ; and of the two who, leading tranquil 
burgess lives, showed, when occasion required, the per- 
sonal courage, the onwardness, the firm perseverant 
will and powers of endurance which render their son 
so eminent. 

Fernando Wood was born in the city of Philadelphia, 
on the 14th day of June, 1812, the day upon which the 
cabinet council decided to declare v/ar against Great 



BIKTH AND CHILDHOOD OF THE MAYOR. 41 

Britain for tlie second time. It is said that lie took this 
first important step somewhat as General Jackson re- 
moved the deposites of the United States Bank— on his 
own responsibility ; for the accoucheur who was sent 
for found upon his arrival that his services were no 
longer required, his cHent having entered the world 
without his assistance and in promising health. 

It is recorded that when he had reached the a.ge of 
twelve months he was visited with a severe illness. The 
father, whose own parents had renounced Quakerism, 
had as yet professed no other creed. But when the 
physicians told hhn that the limits of their skill had 
been obtained, and that they could do no more, he fell 
upon his knees, and with tears plead to God for the life 
of his child. And God heard his prayer, and in His 
pity granted it. 

Henry, and Isaac, and Zachariah, and Benjamin, had 
been the simple prenomina of his ancestors. But his 
mother had been reading the Three Spaniards, one of 
those blood and thunder, chain-clanking, subterranean 
galleried mysterious novels, brought into vogue by 
Horace Walpole's Castle of Otranto, and Mrs. Anne 
Eadcliffe's ditto of Udolpho. Now one Fernando was 
the hero of this famous book, a notable fellow, no doubt, 
at any rate much admired by Mrs. Wood, who, for such 
admiration's sake bestowed his name upon her son. 

He learned to walk and read nearly without instruc- 
tion ; indeed, had very little care ever taken of his edu- 
cation except what he took himself. In 1820, the boy 
being eight years old, was sent to a class taught by Mr. 
James Shea, well and respectfully remembered as 



42 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

the competent matliematical master in tlie grammar 
school of Columbia College, as well as at the head of 
his own academy. At the age of thirteen, however,- his 
father being absent in the South because of ill health, 
the boy fancied his education finished, and formed a 
strong desire to go out into the world and thus early to 
begin the battle of life. 

He disclosed his desires for independence to his 
mother, and she, for jest's sake, agreed, supposing it to 
be a youngster's notion of which he would soon be tired. 
Such was, however, not the case, for he started off at 
once, and, borrowing a newspaper at the nearest grocer's, 
began to study the column of " wants," wherein he dis- 
covered that Mr. Brewster, keeper of an exchange office, 
wanted a boy. From the grocer's he went to the 
broker's, and was then and there by him engaged at the 
salary of two dollars per week. Here he was, then, a 
clerk ; but not yet, as he thought, independent. There 
was a large family at home, the father was an invalid 
from rheumatism, and he desired to be absolutely his 
own bread-giver and master, to buy his own clothing, 
provide for his o\vn lodging. 

After much natural maternal opposition, Fernando's 
will prevailed; the mother of a young friend of his, 
Ketcham by name, and dwelling at that time in Oliver 
street, undertook to give him what he sought for one 
dollar and fifty cents per week. It was little less than 
his present salary ; but he had faith in himself and in 
indomitable, persevering industry, and, taking what 
wardrobe he possessed, bade adieu to the mother and 
sisters, and went to Mrs. Ketcham as a boarder. 



EARLY INDEPENDENCE. 43 

At eight o'clock next morning lie was punctually at 
Ills post, and ever since lias supported himself, and of 
latei' 3^cars aided also tliat good, intelligent mother of his. 
Mr. Brewster is now a wealthy citizen, as well as his 
former little clerk, his present Chief Magistrate. After 
some months' service the stipend was advanced to three 
dollars and a half; and then an exchange broker, Mr. 
Betts, offering five dollars for the youngster, Mr. Brew- 
ster lost him ; but his chances for paying tailor's bills 
and such like evils were considerably better now than 
when the board and lodging cost seventy-five dollars 
and the salary was a hundred and two. 

When about seventeen years old, he was sent to Har- 
risburgh, Virginia, on some business, and he remained 
there during the session of the Legislature of 1829. On 
returning one evening to his hotel, he found in the 
reading-room a number of law-makers, among whom 
was an important and distinguished senator, and all of 
whom were in a high state of excitement. It was be- 
fore the passage of the Prohibitory Liquor Law. The 
distinguished senator, in the course of his excitement, 
found it necessary to his comfort to make an insulting 
remark to young Wood, who replied with what degree 
of fierce tartness was given to hmi at the moment. The 
distinguished senator, finding no crushing witticism, at 
his tongue's end, drew his bowie-knife and advanced to 
immolate the boy ; but he, nothing daunted, and being a 
stout fellow of his years, picked up a chair, and when 
the proper time came knocked the distinguished senator 
down. For this he was arrested and slept that night in 
prison ; but early in the morning he was, without in- 



44 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

vestigation, released by the distinguished senator's 
friends. 

On his way, about this time, from Harrisburgh to 
Lancaster, he found in the stage-coach an old gentleman 
and three young girls, to all of whom he shortly had an 
opportunity of displaying his coolness and energy. For 
the horses became frightened and ran away ; the coach- 
man was toppled from his box, and matters might have 
gone. badly for the old gentleman and the young girls if 
Wood had not gotten out of the window, made his way 
to the seat, secm-ed the reins, and gradually stopped the 
horses. 

So, his business in Pennsylvania being brought to an 
end, he started for his home in New- York. He had 
begun to smoke at thirteen years of age, and as is the 
custom among youthful New- York, the habit had attain- 
ed to a precocious iaveteracy. Now, leaning over the 
ran of the Philadelphia steamboat, enjoying his cigar, 
about the twentieth for that day, he was accosted by a 
benevolent-looking old Quaker. 

" Friend, thee sniokes a good deal," quoth Broadbrim. 

'Yes," Fernando confessed he did. 

" Well, don't thee smoke any more." 

" I wont," was the reply ; the half-smoked cigar was 
committed to the deep, and a resolution formed whicli 
has never since been broken. 

Before this year of his life was out he went one even- 
ing, as was the wont of youth at the period, to the 
Chatham Theatre, and on coming out and going home- 
wards, he perceived or fancied that he was followed. 
He increased his pace and the pursuer did the same, till 



ADVENTURES AND ANECDOTES. 45 

Wood turned down Lumber street, a gloomy place, 
flanked with huge piles of boards and other timber, and 
not abounding in houses. The pace of the individual 
behind was quickened and he had nearly reached Fer- 
nando, when the latter turned, and presenting suddenly 
the puffed-out finger of a dark buckskin glove, said, 
with whatever stern emphasis he could command : 

"Follow me one step further, and I will blow your 
brains out." 

The person addressed denied any hostile intentions, 
but at the same time took another way. 

Soon after he was sent to Eichmond to take charge of 
a large tobacco factory in that city, and was there 
smitten with a violent sock and buskin mania, which 
endured some months. Not many, however, for after 
the lapse of nine, he retiu-ned to New- York, and in June, 
1832, started for himself as a tobacco dealer in Pearl 
street. 

It was the year when for the first time the awful 
cholera made its appearance among us, and the city was 
struck aghast at its merciless ravages. From the thickly 
populated down town districts the merchants fled in 
terror. "Wood's store was the only one in the neigh- 
borhood kept open, and he wa.s enabled to do, and did 
good and kind service to the sick and the dying of the 
vicinity. 

He began to think and talk of politics now-a-days, 
being a warm admirer of General Jackson. He wrote, 
too, for the press, among other things one which attract- 
ed much notice at the time, a review of South-Carohnian 
Governor Haynes' message in favor of Nulhfication. 



46 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNAITDO WOOD. 

He formed tli^ friendsliip of the late William Leggett, 
retained it througliout the life of the latter, and proved 
it to his memory by projecting and liberally contribut- 
ing towards the monument over his remains at New- 
Eochelle. 

But politics is not precisely the most lucrative interest 
which a young merchant has ; he lost time and therefore 
money, so that in 1835, he was obliged to leave o£^ 
business for himself and become a clerk again. This 
time he went to Francis Secor, in West street, and 
served him. Industry got money, and prudence saved 
it, so that next year^ with some help of friends, he was 
able to begin again as grocer, on the corner of Eector 
and Washington streets. Here he was very successful, 
coming by 1838 to be owner of two or three vessels, 
and then he reached his twenty-eighth year and was 
elected in 1840 to the Congress of the United States, in 
one of the most heated political contests this city has 
ever witnessed — the season of log-cabins, hard cider, and 
politics put into rhyme and sung to ancient tunes. 
Never, perhaps, were the Democrats so hard pushed, 
and the fact of his election testifies alike to the esteem 
in which he was held, and to that merit of his which 
had gained it. 



CHAPTEK VI. 

CIGAR-MAKIKG — CONGRESS, AND SPEECHES THERE DELIVERED — HENRY 
CLAY AND THE EX-CIGAR-3IAKER — POOR BLUJIBERG. 

Mk. Wood lias ever sliowii an inveterate dislike to 
any thing like despondency, self-distrust, or doubt of 
his own future. During the period of his first reverses 
in business, instead of waiting, hke Mr. Micawber, for, 
something to turn up, he himself turned up something ; 
no matter what, he thought, so it Avere work, were in- 
dustry, were resolute self-maintenance. He retired for 
a while into Division street, and became a journeyman 
cigar-maker— for small enough wages, we may be sure. 
No matter ; small as they were, he lived on them in 
sturdy independence, and learned another bit of know- 
ledge—how to make cigars for other men to smoke ; 
for himself, he smoked none. Friend Broadbrim had 
cured him of that. 

So the cigar-maker helped himself out of that position, 
and in his twenty-eighth year went off to Congress to 
see what there was for him to do there. It was a me- 
morable Congress that of 1840, both because of the 
importance of the questions debated and settled there, as 
because of the mighty men engaged in such debatings. 
There were giants on the earth in those days, and in that 



4:8 BIOGEAPHY OF FERKANDO WOOD. 

Congress, an extra session called by President Harrison, 
tliere were Henry Clay, and Eufus Choate, and that 
human pine-knot John C. Calhoun ; there were Benton 
and Buchanan, "Woodbury and Silas Wright, Eobert 
J. Walker and Wm. C. Eives. These men adorned the 
Senate chamber ; while in the House of Eepresentatives, 
sat, or stood to speak, old John Quincy Adams, Caleb 
Cushing, Millard Fillmore, H. A. Wise, J. P. Kennedy, 
Dixon H. Lewis, E. M. T. Hunter, and others, all men 
of renown. 

They had the United States Bank to talk about, and 
the vexed and vexatious tariff question. They must 
decide upon the distribution of pubhc lands, and make 
a law about bankruptcy. 

Wood, young as he was, must have his share in all 
this ; for he was sent thither to that intent. So when 
he had something to say, he rose and said it in a manly 
and modest manner, and then was quiet again. He 
spoke upon the Fiscal Bank of the United States ; the 
operation of the Tariff Laws ; the Navy Appropriation 
Bill ; and drew up the report upon the Naval Dry and 
Floating Docks. 

When the Americans who had taken part in the Ca- 
nadian insurrection of 1837-8 were caught, and sent to 
expiate their acts off to Yan Diemen's Land, Mr. Wood 
was their earnest advocate in Congress ; pressing ur- 
gently upon that body the necessity of procuring their 
release. On this occasion, he had the honor of crossing 
swords with that veteran forensic warrior, ex-President 
John Quincy Adams. He also tried to get the U. S. 
Consuls classified according to the importance and the 



CIGAK-MAKING — CONGRESS. 49 

difficulties of their stations ; and wisely purposed to 
make tbem salaried officers, since some get fees enough 
to live in splendor, and others, like our late Consul to 
Venice, not quite enough to pay for the painting of coat 
armor suitable to the dignity of this Republic. 

Another thing he did of great importance. He was 
the advocate of the greatest step that progressive science 
has taken in our day — the Electric Telegraph. He in- 
troduced the claims of Mr. Morse to Congress, and 
strongly urged that body to make an appropriation for 
the experiment. The Professor wanted to run his wires 
along the railway track from Baltimore to Washington; 
but Congress was unbelieving and could not be per- 
suaded. Still, "Wood fought on. K he could not get 
this grant, he would content himself with a lesser one. 
He was, we know, a member of the Committee on Naval 
Affairs ; and at last, for his importunity, permission was 
given to lay the telegraphic wires from the committee- 
room of the House of Eepresentatives to that of the 
Senate, some four hundred feet. So the practicability 
of conversing by the aid of lightning was triumphantly 
proven ; and Fernando Wood won and wears the honor 
of having materially aided the passage of the act which • 
gave to the world Morse's Electric Telegraph. 

The veteran legislators in some sort made a pet of the 
young Representative. When he had made his fiscal 
speech, John Quincy Adams grasped him by the hand, 
and said: "Young man, when I am gone, you will be 
one of the foremost men in this country." 

Well, the old man is gone, and Clay, and Calhoun, 
3 



60 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNAKDO WOOD. 

and otlier great men of tliat time ; and the prophesy 
stands fulfilled to-day. 

And here for a while, with his forensic honors thick 
upon him, the cigar -maker reappears for a moment and 
then passes away out of sight up to this date. 

Henry Clay was particularly fond of him; took a 
fancy to him when first introduced, and never 'lost an 
opportunity of paying him personal attentions. Perhaps 
he saw some spark of that genius in the young man, 
which so abounded in himself Friends used to say, 
indeed still say, that the lower portions of the faces of 
both were strongly" similar. Be that as it may, Clay 
loved to be with him, to walk and talk with him, and 
to be kind to him. 

One day, the two, with an old Philadelphian friend 
of Mr. Clay, were going down broad Pennsylvania 
avenue, when the old gentleman desired them to stop in 
at a tobacconist's, that he might get his snuff-box filled. 
The three wert in, and while there, Wood saw through 
a half-opened door, leading into a back-shop, four men 
seated at tables, at a work which he too understood, but 
for the present did not confess his knowledge of 

" What," asked he of the shopkeeper, " are those men 
doing ?" 

"Making cigars, sir," was the answer, "will you go 
in, Mr. Clay, and see them at their work ?" 

" Certainly," said the Kentuckian, and the trio en- 
tered. 

There sat four artisans, dampening the leaves of the 
fragrant weed, or spreading them out, and cutting them 
up into wrappers with minute exactness and the swift 



CIGAE-MAKING — CONGRESS. 51 

certainty obtained by practice ; or breaking off tlie dry 
fillers to tlie proper length ; or rolling up the neat cigar 
and terminating its fabrication with a twist not unsimilar 
to an involute pig-tail. Use brings rapidity. From 
twelve to fifteen hundred in a day have been rolled up 
by men learned in that art ; yet five or eight hundred 
is thought a good day's work. 

The number daily accomplished by the Washington- 
ian fabricants has not reached posterity ; but they were 
deft enough to make the Mill-Boy of the Slashes say : 

" How very skillfully this is done ! Who would have 
supposed that so much ingenuity was required for the 
making of a cigar !" 

'' I don't see any art in it," said Mr. Wood ; " it seems 
to me a very simple matter ; and I suspect that any one 
can do quite as well." 

Clay looked at him and said: "Young man, you de- 
ceive yourself Long years of patient labor are required 
to accomplish what these men here are doing with such 
apparent ease. It requires great experience to be able 
to do this." 

" With deference, Mr. Clay," said Wood, " I difier 
from you. There can be no art nor skill required to do 
what these men are doing. See ! They merely cut off 
a piece of the tobacco, roll some of the dry part in their 
hands, then wrap it up, and the whole thing is done. If 
this is the process, any person can make a cigar." 

Clay laughed. But the shopkeeper and his men 
looked at the speaker with much contempt for his pre- 
sumption and some wonder at his apparent self-esteem. 

"If you think any one can make a cigar," said Clay, 



52 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

"perhaps you had better try;" and he swept his arm 
towards the table, with a glance at the proprietor. 

One of the men arose with a premature smile for the 
boaster's coming defeat, who sat down, saying : 

" Well, I may be mistaken ; but as I really do think 
it possible, I loill try." 

So, sitting down, he took the knife and a tobacco leaf, 
and with a dextrous cut prepared his wrapper ; then 
broke the Ming to the proper size, rolled all up togeth- 
er, twisted the small, -symmetrical pig-tail at the end, cut 
off the top, and handed the well-made cigar to his dis- 
tinguished fellow-legislator. 

Clay was amazed, and vented his surprise in numer- 
ous ejaculations. The shopkeeper and his people stared 
with wonder at this new accomplishment in a law-maker 
of theirs. As for Fernando Wood, he kept the secret, 
and the joke ran the rounds of Congress, and was told 
at the expense of Henry Clay. 

Apropos of cigar-making cleverness, our Mayor's 
father, who had a manufactory of those narcotic delights, 
once employed a little Frenchman, hight Blumberg, 
who could roll up a brace of thousands in a day. Now 
our Mayor loves a good joke or story as well as other, 
lesser folk, and the present writer thinks fit to re-produce 
m this place a tale which his honor tells about the same 
poor Blumberg. 

He was a good cigar-maker, and this was the limit of 
his goodness. As a general rule, even his virtues leaned 
to vice's side ; and he proceeded through life, leaping 
from one scrape to another, as one leaps from hussock 
to hussock in crossing a bog. In his last jump, he took 



CIGAR-MAKING — CONGRESS. 



53 



another man's horse along with him— an action, we are 
informed, technically known as horse-stealing. From 
this hussock he leaped into the presence of the majesty 

of Justice. 

Even here, however, the poor devil had friends. 
Awful Justice herself was not indisposed, in this case, 
to be tempered by mercy. The magistrate asked Blum- 
berg's counsel if he could prove a hitherto good charac- 
ter for his client, and before the lawyer could reply, the 
prisoner cried out : 

" Yes, sare, very best charactere : there is a gentleman 
who know me very well," and he pointed to a distin- 
guished citizen, who happened to be present, and who 
was instantly placed upon the stand and sworn. 
" Sir, do you know Charles Blumberg ?" 
" Yes, sir." 

" How long have you known him ?" 
" More than twenty years." 

" Yes, sare," burst forth the impetuous small French- 
man, " he know well that I am honest man : I have not 
steal these horse; he knows all of me; regard that 
which he says of me." 

"Well, sir," said Justice, "be good enough to state 
to the jury what you do know about the prisoner." 

" I have known him," said this witness for the pris- 
oner " I have known him for many years, and must 
say, that he has always borne the character of a thor- 
oughly graceless, lazy, dissipated scamp, who has never 
yet hesitated to steal any thing he could lay his hands 

on." 

The small Gaul roared with rage, leaped up in the 



64 BIOGKAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

dock, shook his fist at his witness, and screamed, " You 
are one damn liar : you know me not at all : you have 
never at all seen me, nevare !" Then, relapsing in de- 
spair to his seat, he continued in a low voice, confiden- 
tially to himself: 

"It is as so ; when one commence to go down the 
hill, every body give to him a kick, by damn !" 

•In the sequel of this trial, Mr. Blumberg appears to 
have been supported at the expense of his adopted 
country, during a period of five years. 



CHAPTER VII. 

MRS. wood's family — AN ADVENTURE ON THE ISTHMUS, AND A TRIP 
TO SAN FRANCISCO. 

There were other wortliy Quakers than those who 
bore the name of "Wood. That particular one with 
whom we have now to deal, was known among the 
faithful, as among the profane, as Samuel Eichardson. 
He had left his English home probably because of the 
intolerance there existing, and had sought a fuller con- 
scientious liberty at Port Eoyal, in the island of Jamaica. 

But Jamaica is in the West-Indies, and that, like 
other tropical regions, is at times subject to that pecu- 
harly unpleasant phenomenon the earthquake. About 
the year 1692, friend Samuel, being with his co-reli- 
gionists in meeting, was startled by the heaving and 
swaying of the earth. The sea roared more tumul- 
tuously than usual ; the houses were shaken from their 
firm foundations, and toppled ruinously down. The 
hills seemed riven asunder, and when the people, rush- 
ing from the building, arrived in the graveyard, which 
surrounded the meeting-house, they may well have 
thought that the day of the Lord had come ; for even 
the bands of the grave were broken, and out from 



56 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

tlie dust wlierein tlieir bodies liad been laid down in 
hopes of resting there and commingling with it, thej 
were thrown, as by an nnkind mother ; and so, those 
who had fled from religious persecution in what was 
called their mother country, found even sterner unkind- 
ness from the stepmother whom they had chosen. 

But Samuel Richardson, and as many of his brethren 
as could manage it, embarked, as best they might, in the 
brig Swan there lying, and, steering a northerly course, 
came, with the help of God, and what knowledge the 
sailing-master possessed, to the colony of stout Wilham 
Penn, settling not far from that Peashore of which we 
have had so much to say in the beginning of this bio- 
graphy, arriving there some thirty -six or seven years after 
the adventurous flight of Henry Wood from "Newport, 
Rhode Island." Let ns add, that scarcely were they 
embarked, when the wild sea ingulfed the town. 

Samuel, like others, purchased several thousand acres, 
and definitely, at last, established himself upon the plea- 
sant river Schuylkill, some twenty miles or so above 
the city of Philadelphia, he and his wife, and his now 
grown-up son and daughter. Here he resided, a promi- 
nent man ; looked up to by other colonists in that coun- 
try ; standing with inveterate firmness to those peaceful 
broadbrim principles of his, and holding fast by William 
Penn, " Proprietary " of that region. 

Even on his arrival, he found that the worthy Proprie- 
tary, not exempt from the troubles which visit other, and 
non-Quaker governors, had got into serious difficulties 
with his colonists. Samuel Richardson, like a loyal man, 
stood stoutly by the Proprietary, aided him in his difii- 



MRS. wood's family. 57 

culties, with what help his quiet good common sense 
and some earher experience of trouble, earthquakes in- 
cluded, he coidd bring to bear upon the question. So 
William and Samuel became fast and affectionate friends, 
a bond tightened by their of&cial relations and more 
closely by the fact that their children married into the 
same family — that of Aubrey. 

When Penn had somewhat stilled the turbulent 
waters, he went to England, in 1701, leaving his friend 
and secretary, James Logan, to rule the colony. In one 
of Logan's letters to his principal, under date of eighth 
month 27th, 1704, he gives that excellent man to know 
that the Assembly had voted him an address, and that 
such address was signed by several members of the col- 
ony, namely, by David Lloyd, J. Wilcox, Is. Norris, 
Jos. Wood, G. Jones, Anthony Morris, William Biles, 
and Samuel Richardson. This address was reported 
to be " scurrilous and scandalous ;" and it was afterwards 
repudiated by Eichardson, who it seemed had unwisely 
signed it upon a merely cursory and insufficient view 
of it. 

About this time, Letitia Penn, the great Proprietary's 
daughter, married a Philadelphian merchant, William 
Aubrey by name, and in process of time presented her 
husband with a daughter. According to the usual 
course of nature this infant grew, attained maturity, 
and married Joseph, only son of Samuel Richardson, 
the immigrant from Port Royal. From him descended 
lineally the late Hon. Joseph L. Richardson, of Auburn, 
and a daughter of this gentleman is the wife of the pre- 
sent Mayor. Fernando Wood comes by two lines from 



68 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

the first Quaker fugitives from persecution to tliis coun- 
try ; and his children, through their mother, trace by a 
third line to the same source. 

It was during his honey-moon that Mr. Wood made 
his first speech in Congress, a period not usually consid- 
ered favorable to forensic study, nor calculated to fur- 
ther interest in dry fiscal or other political details. 
Fuller remarks with reference to the Congressional ca- 
reer of Fernando Wood will more appropriately be 
found in another part of this memoir. 

When his term had expired, he gave up politics, and 
returned to commercial pursuits, as shipping and com- 
mission merchant, in South street. This was in 1843, 
and from that time he met with rapid and brilliant suc- 
cess ; and in 1847, he found himself possessor of no less 
than eight vessels. In September of the next year, 
1848, he received from Thomas Larkin, merchant, news 
of the first Californian gold, brought to this country by 
Lieutenant Beale, of the U. S. Army. This was before 
the close of the war and the cession of California to this 
Government. However, Mr. Wood immediately fitted 
out one of his own vessels, the bark John W. Cator, for 
San Francisco, where she arrived the first, and where 
her cargo was sold at a profit so immense, that her 
owner felt enabled to retire from business finally. He 
purchased a good deal of real estate at a time when pro- 
perty was low, and now finds it quintupled in value. 

After quitting business, Mr. Wood Hved in retire- 
ment, applying himself to study with that resolute 
energy which is characteristic of him, so to supply the 
defects of his imperfect early education. But, in 1850, 



ADVENTURE ON THE ISTHMUS. 59 

lie was called out again by the Democratic party, who 
gave him a nomination for the Mayoralty of this city. 
He was not elected however to the chief magistracy. 

So he stuck to his books, only once— in 1852 — quit- 
ting them for a trip to the gold land. "While going 
whither, he met with this adventui'e. 

Prefatially, however, Mr. Wood had exchanged cer- 
tain property of his in Kew-York for a tract of land in 
the city of San Francisco, the largest plot of ground 
belonging to any one man there, and then producing a 
clear annual income of $30,000. To see this, lease it, 
make arrangements for its management, etc., was his 
errand in that place. 

In those days, not so fabulously long ago, there were 
no weekly arrivals and departures of steamers, as at this 
time ; nor a fine railway, in the commodious carriages 
of which the Panamanian Isthmus might be crossed. 
Then one had to pole up the muddy, feverish Chagres 
river in flax-boats, manned by slightly-clad half-breeds. 
And this from Grorgona was succeeded by a long ride 
upon mules, down gullies and torrent beds, over impro- 
vised, insecure bridges ; through thorny bamboo thick- 
ets, under tall oil-nut palms. One or more rolls in the 
yellow mud were usually allotted to each traveller. So 
our Mayor went on, until within some thirteen miles of 
Panama. 

He wanted to get a view of that city, of its magnifi- 
cent bay, of the ruins of old Panama, destroyed in 1670, 
by Henry Morgan and his brutal buccaneers. So he rode 
on before the others, and suddenly his mule, diverging 
from the beaten track, plunged into the dense thicket. 



60 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

and followed a scarcely visible path. Her rider had 
been told by more experienced men than he, never to 
contradict his mnle: that she would never leave the 
beaten track except for some sound reason suggested by 
her experience and cultivated instinct. Therefore he 
followed such advice as he had received, and the animal 
carried him about a mile through the wood to a clearing, 
wherein stood a native mud and bamboo built and palm 
thatched house. 

At the door of this establishment stood a murderous- 
looking, ugly Jamaica negro. He looked loweringly at 
the traveller, and said : 

" Caramha, senor. i Que quieres aquiV 

"Do you not speak English?" asked Mr. Wood. 

" Yes, sir, very well ; come, get down, and take some 
dinner." So speaking, he took the bridle of the mule, 
and fastened it to a post. 

Mr. Wood knew the character of the Jamaica negro ; 
avaricious, distrustful, utterly indifferent to human life, 
believing all Americans to be slave-holders, fearing and 
therefore hating them. He was far from his fellow- 
travellers ; a cry for help would have awakened an echo 
in the tropic forest or called out a sneer from the villain- 
ous nigger, but that would have been all. Quick escape 
upon the back of an obstinate mule was impossible, so 
after an instant's thought, he said : 

" I thank you for your invitation, but I have a very- 
large party of friends a few yards from here, and must 
rejoin them. One man there is banker for the whole of 
us, and we must, if possible, keep near him. Besides, 
my friend, you would not have me accept your hospi- 



ADVENTURE ON THE ISTHMUS. 61 

tality without a sixpence in my pocket to remunerate 
you for it." 

This upset the scoundrel's hope of plunder, and there 
remained now only his animosity against Americans to 
be subdued, 

"I am sorry to decline your invitation," said Mr. 
Wood ; " because I observe the generous, noble English- 
man in your face. You can not be a native of the 
Isthmus. Are you not from Jamaica, whose people live 
under the Christian and liberal rule of England ?" 

The scoundrel's face brightened. This skilful ruse 
had the intended effect. He returned the reins to the 
traveller, and said, with a wave of the hand: ^^ Adios, 
senor. Go as fast as you can. No good for any body 
to stay here long." 

Mr. Wood then set his will against that of the mule, 
and aided by a plentiful use of whip and spur, he in- 
duced that intelhgent animal to obey him, and thus 
regained the main road. Then he rode on and entered 
Panama, the first of the twelve hundred persons who 
formed the emigration on that occasion. 

He remained ten days in San Francisco, arranged his 
affaii's, and found himself safe again in New- York', after 
an absence of two months and one day. 

Then back to his studies and his quiet life, until called 
forth in 1854, by his fellow-citizens, to assume the chief 
magistracy of the greatest city on this continent. 



CHAPTEK VIII. 

CONGRESS — TUE FISCAL SPEECH. 

We have already mentioned Mr. Wood in Congress, 
the names of some of the illustrions men of whom that 
body was composed, and the important questions there 
considered. 

Mr. Wood was a very young man, only twenty-eight 
years -of age, and unprepared by education to take part 
in debates which then exercised the genius of Clay, Cal- 
houn, and Adams. Besides, only on the 23d of April 
previous he had married, as we have seen, a daughter 
of the Hon. Joseph L. Richardson, of Auburn, N. Y. ; 
and, so far as the present writer's knowledge— not gath- 
ered from experience — extends, the first moons of wed- 
lock, the matrimonial spring, is more desirably given to 
gentler thoughts than the science of politics can suggest. 

Be this, however, as it may, the bridegTOom now in 
question could not sit quietly and listen to the energetic 
and exciting debates which were going on around him ; 
the war-horse heard the sounds of the battle, and pricked 
up his ears. The fiery eloquence poured from one 
mouth, swift answer shouted from another, charges of 
hot denunciation upon serried columns of stout, quiet 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 63 

reasons ; all this roused him, and lie said : "I too must 
have mj part in this. I too feel courage and energy, 
and strong conviction of right within me, and I will 
speak it out with what power shall be given to me." 

There was the great financial question now before the 
House. President Van Buren's Sub-Treasury system 
had succeeded to the United States Bank. The friends 
of this latter institution had opposed Van Buren's plan 
with vehemence. The question came to be a party 
issue ; the Whigs advocating, the Democrats denouncing 
the National Bank system. The hottest opponents of 
the measure were the constituents of Mr. Wood, and he, 
both as faithful representative, as well as from strong 
private conviction, was determined to denounce the 
estabhshment of any national bank, with whatsoever 
force he had. 

Several propositions had been made for the creation 
of a national bank, as the fiscal agent of the Govern- 
ment. The influence of Senator Henry Clay in both 
Houses, was exerted in favor of the measure. But up 
to the help of the Democracy against the mighty Ken- 
tuckian, came, from the Senate, Calhoun, Benton, 
Wright, Woodbury, Walker, Buchanan, Eives, and 
others ; and the House flanked these troops with Inger- 
soll. Khett, Hunter, Pickens, Dixon H. Lewis, Henry 
A. Wise, and others. 

To get up and talk among these men, and against 

such opponents as they were to cope with, was not a 

■ very inviting first field for a young man and a younger 

statesman. Never mind. He had something in him to 

say, and he would say it, and he did; not without 



64 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNAKDO WOOD. 

laurels either, for the press passed, great encomiums 
upon him ; his opponents came to compliment hun on 
his maiden speech, and old John Quincy Adams left his 
seat, took the flushed orator by the hand, and said: 
" Young man, Avhen I am gone, you will become one 
of the foremost men in this country." 

The young wife was sitting in the gallery ; perhaps 
her pleasure rewarded him more even than the praises 
of the great men. It is said that when he rose, he was 
very pale, and that his voice was tremulous ; but the 
will was there, and by and by the voice grew firm, the 
color came back to his face, and the first efibrt at forensic 
oratory was for him a brilliant triumph. 

"What he said, we give below from the Congressional 
Eeports : 

SPEECH 

ON THE 

FISCAL BANK OF THE UNITED STATES. 
Delitebed Aug. 0, 1841. 

Mr. Wood rose and said : Although not a talking 
man, either by profession or inchnation, yet the impor- 
tance of the question, and the recent signal expression 
of opinion from his constituents, demanded that he 
should be heard. He congratulated himself that he had 
obtained the floor at this early stage of the debate, and 
would not detain the Committee by an exordium, but. 
proceed directly in the discussion. 

But, before entering upon the main question, he felt 
called upon to allude to one point in the argument of 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 66 

the gentleman (Mr. Sergeant) from Pennsylvania, who 
opened the debate yesterday in an ingenious speech 
upon the constitutionality of a bank. He would not 
discuss the legal points with that gentleman ; but he 
would say that that gentleman's remarks appeared to 
him as better fitted for the bar and a jury than for the 
House ; and he would also add, that it appeared rather 
as a speech made to remove from the Executive certain 
constitutional scruples he was supposed to entertain as to 
the powers of the Government to create a bank, than to 
convince Congress or the people. But with this he had 
nothing to do ; it was the allusion made to the senti- 
ments of a gentleman now minister to Russia (Mr. 
Cambreleng) to which he particularly referred. The 
gentleman in the course of his remarks, alluded to a 
resolution reported to this House by Mr. Cambreleng 
from the Committee of Ways and Means in 1837 — 
"that it was inexpedient to charter a national bank ;" 
and drew from it the inference that that gentleman, the 
Committee of Ways and Means, and the House which 
passed the resolution, had no doubt as to the constitu- 
tionality of a national bank. 

I protest (said Mr. W.) agamst this induction. It is 
not justified by the fact. It is not a logical inference. 
The speeches of my distinguished friend stand recorded 
against a bank, upon the ground of want of power 
under the Constitution, as weU as inexpediency. The 
gentleman from Pennsylvania was a member when 
these speeches were made ; and it was unfortunate their 
character had escaped his recollection. Besides, was 
this not so, he (Mr. C.) may have been acting under in- 



66 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

sti^uction from liis Committee, against his own vote. 
But even if tliat was not the fact, he (Mr. W.) contended 
that the proposition of the inexpediency of a measure 
was not an admission of its legality. But, sir, (said 
Mr. W.,) I vnU. not dwell here. My object is answered 
in thus briefly placing the opinion of an absent gentle- 
man in its true light, and preventing what I conceive 
to be an unwarranted, and, I must add, unintentional 
stigma, falling upon the political character of one of the 
favorite sons of the Empire State. 

The bill before the Committee is, in common parlance, 
a bill to create a national bank as a fiscal agent of the 
Government — a proposition which pre-supposes the 
repeal of the law of July, 1840, for the safe-keeping and 
disbursement of the public money, known as the Inde- 
pendent Treasury. Though the question of this repeal 
was not now directly before the Committee, yet, under- 
standing it to be the determination of the administration 
majority to move the "previous question" immediately 
upon that repeal, without allowing the minority an 
hour for discussion, he would take tliis opportunity of 
protesting against such tyranny and against the repeal, 

A proposition to strike from the statute-book a law 
so important in its bearings, and created for purposes 
of such deep interest, should be accompanied by reasons 
more cogent than any we have yet heard. Proof should 
be adduced that it had failed to perform what its friends 
promised for it ; that it had been mischievous in its 
effects, or impracticable in its operations. They are not 
produced ; nor can it be said any argument based upon 
its action, worthy of serious notice, has been brought 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 67 

against it. It is safe, then, to hazard the opinion, that 
no fault can be found with it in practice, although it 
had such strenuous opponents in theory. It has worked 
well, answering thus far (save, probably, in a few minor 
details) the objects of its creation. If we revert to the 
oft-repeated phophecies of the "Whig party, of the devas- 
tation which the Independent Treasury was to spread 
with magic speed throughout the land, and now com- 
pare them with what has been our condition since its 
adoption, and with what is at this time our true condi- 
tion, the falsity of the prophecies will be apparent. If 
the state of the times is used as an argument against it, 
it is its triumphant vindication, when compared with 
those which preceded it. We were told it was pregnant 
with lamentable consequences; that it would destroy 
commerce and confidence ; reduce wages to ten cents 
per diem, the profits of agriculture to almost nothing ; 
in short, that all interests were to be annihilated. Has 
this been so ? Have any of these evils overtaken the 
people? I opine not. Without producing statistics, 
as I here could, to show, by irrefutable data, that pros- 
perity — true, not false prosperity — has existed with all 
classes; modified, it is true, but yet has existed since 
July, 1840, the period at which this bill became a law ; 
I will content myself by referring alone to the mercan- 
tile portion of my constituency, boldly making the 
assertion that they have less cause of complaint this 
year than for either of the three previous. It is true, 
unfortunate bankrupts, borne to the earth by indebted- 
ness, have not been relieved, nor can any law, having 
for its object the custody of the public money, relieve 



68 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

them ; nor lias it re-produced the days of adventiirous 
hazard, bringing back to the speculator dreams of glory. 
These its tendency has been to check, not facilitate. 
But mercantile New- York, in her true business charac- 
ter — divested of, and divided from political prejudices, 
thus freed from former embarrassments, and content 
with the profits of a safe, legitimate trade — comes not to 
your halls for legislative relief, or the repeal of this law ; 
short -credits and small profits seldom trouble you with 
lamentations ; they have no cause for lamentations — 
they do not understand what is meant by " a war upon 
the currency." You can not make the merchants, who 
follow these simple rules, believe they are ruined and 
prostrate bankrupts, although they may be deluded into 
a support of your administration. In discussing this 
point, it is necessary, Mr. Chairman, to discriminate 
between business merchants and political merchants; 
for there is much necessity of such discrimination, when 
the advocates of the repeal and the establishment of a 
bank so strenuously urge their views upon the ground 
that they are demanded by the commercial interests of 
the country. Sir, I am proud of the intelligence, pro- 
bity, and standing of this class of my constituency ; but, 
at the same time, it is my duty to say, (and it is said 
with regret,) that a large portion of it have allowed 
themselves to become the tools and instruments of de- 
signing politicians ; been drawn into the arena as parti- 
san gladiators, lending the potential influence of their 
business titles to further schemes of adventurers : allow- 
ing their interests, and consequently the vast interests 
depending upon them, to be almost prostrated by a mis- 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 69 

taken entlnisiasm, engendered by imaginary "svxongs. 
They have been put into requisition upon this occasion ; 
but I must be allowed to say, they arrogate powers not 
belonging to themselves ; they can not, in justice, speak 
for the commercial class of New-York, but more pro- 
perly for the political part of that class. 

I repeat, that our trading community — the safe, 
sound, and rational portion of it — freed from these pre- 
judices, make no complaint. The existing troubles 
they attribute to past errors. In short, no argument 
can be adduced in favor of the repeal of the independent 
treasury, based upon the action or effect of the bill. 
The state of the times since its adoption, as compared 
with the three preceding years, is upon its side — evi- 
dence of some weight, and should, in this discussion, be 
properly placed to its credit. 

But I apprehend gentlemen do not urge the repeal for 
the reason that it has yet betrayed any mischievous ten- 
dencies. We are told time sufficient has not yet elapsed, 
but the evil ivill he developed notwithstanding. Is it 
not wise, 'then, to await that time, and thus be furnished 
with reasons for the people ? Hasty legislation, either 
in the enactment of laws or their repeal, is objectionable, 
and often pregnant with lamentable consequences. To 
guard against it, the framers of the Constitution devised 
many ways. It was a point upon which they debated 
long and solemnly. To repeal this law at a time when it 
is indisputable no argument can be produced against its 
operation — that it furnishes in practice none of the ob- 
jections urged against it in theory — but merely because 
its enemies have obtained a momentary ascendency in 



70 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

our councils, is one of the very acts of hasty legislation 
so much dreaded by the founders of the Government ; 
as, also, is it one of those self-destroying evils depicted 
by the opponents of republican institutions, as always 
connected with popular representative governments. 

Much good was promised for it by its friends ; much 
bad prognosticated by the opposition. The time neces- 
sary to prove who were in the right, and give it a fair 
trial upon its merits, has not elapsed. But if you force 
a decision, demanding a verdict now, the issue must be 
made up, upon its action, effect, and influence; upon 
which ground we are ready to meet you, sanguine of a 
certain triumph. 

But we are told the people have decided against it. 
Have they, forsooth ? I respectfully ask in what way ? 
at what time ? I am referred to the late Presidential 
election, but deny that that election had any reference 
to the independent treasury bill. The issue then, ii 
there was any, (and if there was, for my life I could not 
discover it,) was of another kind — made up of different 
material than any thing having a bearing ifpon any 
question of national interest, much less the question of 
in ^hat way the public revenue should be collected and 
disbursed. "When was the subject discussed before the 
people ? Where was a denunciation of the odious sub- 
treasury made the war-cry for the onslaught, as in 1838? 
Nowhere! Or, if so, in isolated instances, by itinerant 
Whig orators, who, having learned their lessons in 1888, 
like other starlings having the faculty of repetition instead 
of invention, doled forth their lamentations in the old 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 71 

repeated strains of " sub -treasury ! sub-treasury 1 1 odious 
sub-treasury ! ! ! " 

Was it made the issue by that illustrious convention 
of office-seekers wlio nominated the successful candidate 
at Harrisburg ? It was not. That august body of pa- 
triots, after contemplating their act, sneaked to their 
homes, not daring to make an avowal of sentiments. 
Or was it made the topic of discussion by the candidate 
himself (supposed, of course, to embody the princij^les 
of his party) in his various addresses to the people ? It 
was not. That respectable old gentleman, as far as I 
know, never descanted upon the subject ; or, if so, by 
the most indirect allusion. Suffice it to say, there was 
no issue made at that election, involving the repeal of 
this law ; and gentlemen know it. That battle had been 
fought in 1838. The election for the 26th Congi-ess 
turned almost entirely upon it. Mr. Van Buren pro- 
posed it in his first message in September, 1837, and it 
at once became the watchword of the Democratic party, 
as it did the exclusive point of attack of the Federal 
party. The bank patriots left our ranks, in which there 
was no more prospect of plunder, suddenly dropping 
the reins which they had held with an iron grasp ; thus 
causing dissension and confusion, producing the over- 
whelming though transient defeats of the faU of that 
year. The following spring State elections, contested 
upon the same ground, showed a slight reaction ; but 
the canvass for the 26th Congress, in the fall and follow- 
ing summer, fought upon the broad platform of Jefier- 
sonian democracy — the divorce of bank and State against 
a national bank — ^sub-treasury, or no sub-treasury — ^be- 



72 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

tween the unpurified and unterrified democracy upon 
one side, and an unholy alliance of old federalists and 
bank-rag aristocracy upon the other; — an election, it 
may be said, held with express reference to this point 
of Mr. Van Buren's policy— resulted in a glorious tri- 
umph, by returning a majority in its favor, although the 
city of New- York was defrauded by pipe-laying, out of 
her representatives. Here was the issue — the only one 
ever made involving this question ; and it is a vain sub- 
terfuge to transfer it to the late election, because you 
were fortunate enough to secure — no matter how — a 
majority of numbers against it. 

As one knowing something of commerce and the in- 
fluences affecting it, and being somewhat conversant 
with the views of that interest, and representing, in part, 
the most important commercial district in the Umon, I 
regret this motion, apart from all political considera- 
tions ; I regret the subject is even agitated. The debate 
upon it is deleterious. If it is true (as so often contend- 
ed by the opponents of the late and previous administra- 
tions) that this ever tinkering with the currency — ^this 
eternal legislation upon the public finances — ^has a fatal 
influence upon trade and commerce, why do the same 
gentlemen now follow the course they so eloquently de- 
nounced jthen ? — violate a principle so soon after estab- 
lishing it? The first session of the late Congress, as 
was thought, disposed of this matter. "We had a seven 
years' war between two powerful parties, contending 
with unexampled energy which should settle it accord- 
ing to its policy ; until at last, by the passage of this 
bill, the question was set at rest — ^the public money was 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 73 

placed in a situation wliere politicians and speculators 
could not reack it — where it could no longer be used as 
investments for political defense or attack. The people, 
not party hacks, rejoiced at its final disposition ; they 
felt that they were to remain for a season freed from the 
surges of this ocean ; to have rest, peace, and security ; 
the question was considered settled. Those who were 
sufferers through this conflict (and I know none who 
were not) would leave it where it is. Reasonable men, 
of all classes, rejoiced privately, if not publicly, at its 
conclusion. They felt relieved from the glorious uncer- 
tainty of a deranged currency. They now know upon 
what to depend; it was finished' — disposed of; and 
although not according to the preference of some, yet it 
was disposed of; and prayed it might so remain. I 
tell you, sir, a majority of your party do not go with 
you in this repeal, when in its stead you seek to rear an 
institution hke this proposed. The larger and more in- 
telligent part of our merchants— a class who have con- 
tributed in various ways to place you in power, and 
who, according to panic-makers, were to become its 
immediate victuns — do not ask you for its repeal, if 
they are to have a bank in its place. The merchants 
throughout the country wish you to let them alone — to 
let the currency alone. Instead of calHng extra sessions 
of Congress to cater for their especial benefit, they would 
rather Congress take a recess for five years, and give 
them relief by non-interference. You taught them that 
legislation upon the currency was prejudicial ; they will 
ask you to practise upon, in majority, the doctrines so 
ably expounded in minority. They do not require the 
4 



74 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

political theorists who aspire to the honor of construct- 
ing a system of finance, based npon some visionary ab- 
straction of their own, to practise castle-building at their 
expense ; nor do they ask the adherents of "Whig candi- 
dates for the Presidency to prove their fealty by the 
constitution of a party engine — good for Presidential as- 
pirants, but destructive to trade and commerce. 

K the sub-treasury contains errors of detail, amend 
and alter, regulate, but not destroy. An error of detail 
is not an error of principle. Give our system the same 
chance of developing itself that we have given a bank, 
and if it prove to possess any of its fatal influence, I 
pledge myself the Democratic party will go with you for 
its repeal. "We never sought to wrest from the United 
States Bank its charter, even after its corruption had 
become manifest. In fact, at a time when it was noto- 
riously subsidizing the press and squandering its money 
in a war upon General Jackson's administration, we 
never attempted the annulling of its charter. It had for 
years previous to its expiration proved unsafe as a pub- 
lic depository, unsound as a bank of emission, and a 
deranger instead of a regulator of the exchanges ; yet 
we never dreamed, in the plenitude of our power, of lay- 
ing hands upon it. I contend that the charter of that 
bank was violated, and yet General Jackson never pro- 
posed its demolition. It was at one time spoken of, in 
the political circles opposed to it ; but the friends of the 
institution cried for quarter, and quarter was given. 
And so with our nine hundred State banks, which have 
been for years preying upon the vitals of the people, 
putting at defiance all law, human and divine. We 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 75 

have not souglit their destruction, nor do we now ; their 
friends admit there are errors in their system, but ask 
us to regulate, not destroy them. We make no admis- 
sions of errors in our system ; but if there are errors of 
detail, regulate, but not destroy. For forty years this 
Government has tried a national bank as its fiscal agent; 
what has been our financial condition for these forty 
years ? We have been periodically visited by panics, 
revulsions, and distresses, inflations and reactions, as- 
tounding exposes of defalcations and forgeries, agricul- 
tural killing low prices, and mechanical and operative 
killing high prices — a see-saw between inflation and de- 
pression, aptly represented by Daddy Lambert times 
and Calvin Edson times. But, sir, have any of these 
delectable bank followers visited us since the adoption 
of our plan ? They have not. I shall be answered, it 
h-as not been in existence long enough. Very well : it 
is admitted. Grive it a trial of ten years — one quarter 
the period you have had for yours; and if it harass 
and beggar the people in the same manner, we will 
give it up, and strike our colors. 

The truth is, no argument based upon common sense 
can be adduced against the independent treasury. 
There are two motives actuating its opponents — the one, 
malice ; the other, to rear in its place a political institu- 
tion, which will enable them to comply with certain 
promises made previous to the late election. There is a 
class of the Whig party not provided for by the distri- 
bution of the spoils ; the wheel does not revolve fast 
enough for them ; and another, who look for payment 
in a less laborious manner, by moneyed facilities. 



76 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

There is an interest also across the water, too powerful 
to be denied, and to whom, if report speaks true, the 
dominant party is somewhat indebted. But if these 
exist only in the imagination, I repeat, mahce — deep, 
■unrelenting malice — ^has much to do with this repeal ; a 
motive the more unmanly and contemptible, as it is 
veiled under j)retexts of what the public good requires. 
By deception was the power obtained to do this deed, 
and by deception is the deed perpetrated. As the pirate 
decoys the merchantman under a friendly flag until the 
sides of the victim are scaled and the deck is in his pos- 
session — so did the Whig leaders decoy the people, until, 
having them fast bound and powerless, as far as their 
action here is concerned, they unfurl the red banner, 
bring forth the bloody instruments of torture, exhibit 
the portentous engine yclept a bank, and prepare the 
manacles and chains. But, thank God, here the simile 
fails ; for, unlike the victims of the corsair, they shall 
be freed from this subjugation, and deal a just retribu- 
tion upon the actors in this treachery — ay, sir, reaching 
the pirate captain himself, whether enveloped in robes 
of senatorial dignity, (Mr. Clay,) or doffed in the brown 
habit of a puritan secretary, (Mr. Webster.) These daz- 
zlingly-bedecked chieftains wear but the people's livery. 
Is it not enough that you should have purchased popu- 
lar support by allying yourself to popular passions ; but 
must you now exercise your ill-gotten power, without 
dignity and without respect, by indulging this spirit of 
pitiful vindictiveness? But what can be expected of an 
administration coming into existence as it did, and con- 
troMed by the men it is — men whose object was to ob- 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 77 

tain office, and, iintil thej are stripped of this power, 
standing forth as naked of government patronage as 
they are naked of principle ? There is no rest for an 
abused and deluded people. 

Sir, I have not the ability or disposition to go into an 
elaborate defense of the sub-treasury, if any were 
required. It was the principal topic of discussion in 
every legislative body in the country, from the moment 
of its proposition to its passage. The ablest talent bat- 
tled for it and against it ; the public press teemed with 
it ; scarcely a child but is conversant with the argu- 
ments upon either side. I will not spend the people's 
money, or weary the patience of the Committee, by 
repeating them. The mandate has gone forth — " it must 
be re'peaUdy It may be said with propriety, that any 
discussion in the premises, or any opposition, here or 
elsewhere, is folly — ^madness. It must he repealed. A 
distinguished Senator has said it ; and, like Mandarins 
under a special edict of the Celestial Emperor, it is the 
duty of the majority of this House to " tremble and obey J'' 
But as it is not pretended we are to be left at sea with- 
out a rudder, a substitute is proposed ; or, rather, would 
it not be more correct to say several substitutes ? all, 
however, in the language of the official gazette, "central 
or fiscal agents." The time has arrived when the lead- 
horses of this motley group, now in the possession of 
the Government, can, as they think with safety, take 
their course without fear of the consequences. It is not 
now with the Kentucky Senator as it was when pressed 
upon by the Democratic Senator of New- York, previous 
to the closing of the last Congress. Then he replied to 



78 BIOGEAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

a question as to tlie substitute, "that sufficient for the 
day was the evil thereof." " He had then nothing but 
the sub-treasury to handle, and that was sufficient for 
him." It was too soon to play trumps. He (Mr. Clay) 
was not ready. A premature disclosure may have 
effected certain congressional elections, not at that time 
holden. Of course, at that time he had nothing but the 
sub-treasury to handle ; it was entirely too soon to make 
further " disclosures for the public eye." But now, se- 
crecy was no longer necessary ; the elections have been 
held; a federal majority is secured ; the administration 
is thrust into the breach ; the hand is shown ; the card 
is played ; and the Whig trump ig" to " incorporate the 
subscribers to the fiscal bank of the United States." 

Sir, if the people of this jcpuntry decided in the late 
election against the sub-treasury, (which I deny,) did 
they decide in favor of a national bank ? They did 
not. That issue was never made ; the question was 
never raised ; nor are they now in favor of such an 
institution. I am aware efforts are being made to foist 
upon Congress the interested action of a handful of 
brokers, bankers, and speculators, as the popular voice. 
But the mantle of deception is too flimsy. Gentlemen 
refer me to what they are pleased to term the mammoth 
petition from New- York, presented to the Senate a few- 
weeks since. Sir, they may term it the mammoth peti- 
tion, but I christen it the bastard petition ; ay, sir, the 
illegitimate offspring of illegitimate parents. Sir, it 
purports to have been signed by some fifteen or twenty 
thousand petitioners; whereas, if my information be 
correct, it did not contain eleven thousand ; and four 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 79 

tliousand of tliem were purchased by liired loafers at 
the corners of the streets, at four dollars per hundred. 
Thus will the mammoth, which took three persons to 
bring it to the Capitol, lose more than half of its rotundity, 
and all of any thing formidable in its appearance. I 
have alluded to the three persons who assumed the 
responsibility of acting as its guards and escorts; I 
should have said Committee^ for they were dignified by 
such official cognomen by their wire-pullers in Wall 
street. And who were the members of this Committee ? 
The same gentlemen who went "cap in hand" to Mr. 
Biddle, in March, 1837, begging him to save ISTew-York 
fiom annihilation; and who, in October, 1839, advo- 
cated a suspension of specie payments by our banks — 
fit instruments to be the tenders of such a petition. 
There has also been presented a memorial from the 
Chamber of Commerce of New- York, praying for a 
similar favor. I have a word to say as to this memorial. 
Unsophisticated gentlemen, unacquainted with the way 
in which cliques contrive to manufacture public senti- 
ment, would not think it possible that a memorial com- 
ing from such a source could be any other than a repre- 
sentation of the opinion of commercial men ; but, sir, 
in this instance it is not so. Our Chamber of Commerce 
is an association of aboul two hundred gentlemen ; there 
were but fifty-six present, when a resolution was passed 
to memorialize Congress for a bank : thirty-six voted in 
favor, and twenty against it. Under this resolution, a 
Committee of five was appointed to draw a memorial — 
and were they merchants ? ISTo, sir, there was but one 
merchant upon that Committee. This is not an empty 



80 BIOGRAPHY OF TERNANDO WOOD. 

assertion, without anthoritj, but is tlie fact, as I will 
convince the House, by produciug their names and oc- 
cupation. The first-named gentleman was James G. 
King, senior partner of the house of Prime, Ward, & 
King, an old-estabhshed Wall street hanhing-house, 
largely connected with British capitalists and British 
interests — a banker, (or, in common parlance, a broker, ) 
and not a merchant. I intend no disrespect when I 
characterize him as a broker. This word, in its original 
and true definition, has nothing disreputable in it; its 
present taint has arisen from the fleecing propensities of 
the modern order of that profession. Among them are 
many honorable exceptions, and I believe him (Mr. K.) 
to be one ; but he is not a merchant, and, consequently, 
is not the proper person to speak through the Chamber 
of Commerce what the mercantile interests of New- York 
require. The next is Mr. James Brown, of the house 
of Brown, Brothers, & Co., another banking establish- 
ment, largely connected with capitalists across the 
Atlantic, and, as I believe, a partner in a similar firm in 
Liverpool or Lcmdon. As a representative of the com- 
mercial classes, he is in the same category with the 
former gentleman. I intend no disrespect. Well, sir, 
the third is Mr. James Depeyster Ogden — ^not a banker, 
it is true, but a cotton operator — or, in other words, a 
cotton speculator. This gentleman (whom I understand 
to be a very worthy man) is the author of several labored 
treatises in favor of a bank, and is the reputed author 
of the memorial. He is not a merchant, and can not 
speak for the merchants of New- York. The fourth is 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 81 

Mr. John E. Hurd, president of an insurance company, 
who is also a gentleman of respectability, but not a mer- 
chant ; nor can he with propriety speak for the mer- 
chants of New- York. The fifth, and last, is Mr. William 
H. Aspinwall, a bond fde merchant, practically and 
theoretically, and one of the most enlightened and pros- 
perous of the class. He was the only merchant upon 
the Committee. In connection with this point, I will 
add, that at the time this cheat was in preparation — 
this merchants' petition being drawn up by brokers and 
speculators for the Congressional market — there were 
conspicuous British bankers in Wall street, anxious 
observers, if not co-laborers in the movement. Among 
them might be named Mr. Bates, partner of the cele- 
brated house of Baring, Brothers & Co. ; Mr. Cryder, 
of the equally celebrated house of Morrison, Cryder & 
Co. ; Mr. Palmer, Jr., son of Horsley Palmer, now (or 
late) Governor of the Bank of England. ISTor, Mr. Chair- 
man, were these "allies" seen alone in Wall street; 
their visits were extended to the Capitol; and since 
the commencement of the debate upon tliis bill in 
the other House, they have been in the lobbies, at- 
tentive and apparently interested listeners. I make 
no comment; comment is unnecessary. I state facts 
— undeniable facts; and it is with feelings akin to 
humiliation and shame that I stand up here and state 
them. 

Sir, the voice from the city of New- York in favor of 
the national bank is from Wall street and its purlieus ; 
from the brokers, bankers, speculators, and their de- 
4* 



82 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

pendants, and not from the solvent and prudent mer- 
chants, or the small traders and mechanics. The mer- 
chants of New- York, in the aggregate, without reference 
to party, are opposed to any bank jou can create, imder 
any name, with any checks of any character. But, sir, 
I repeat: suppose the people have decided against the 
sub-treasury, (which I deny,) and suppose they decide 
in favor of a national bank, (which I deny,) and suppose 
the people are now in favor of it, (which I deny,) will 
it perform what its friends in Congress promise for it ? 
It will not. We are told, among other benefits to be 
conferred by its creation, a uniform currency will be 
established, and exchanges will be regulated. Gentle- 
men often revert to the late bank as proof of this asser- 
tion. I will take them on that issue, and leave out of 
the question, as they unfairly do, the Pennsylvania 
Bank of the United States. 

It is an error, an unpardonable error, in either practi- 
cal men or statesmen, to say that the late United States 
Bank produced steadiness of currency, or regular ex- 
changes. In the first commencement, it so inflated the 
money market that a revulsion soon followed, which 
swept off the merchants of the day by thousands. The 
father of the humble individual who addresses you (said 
Mr. W.) was one of the unfortunate victims. This re- 
vulsion nearly prostrated the bank ; but, by breaking 
every thing else, it saved itself. Its safety was secured 
by its ma,nagement falling into the hands of Mr. Cbeves, 
who took the reins, and saved it from bankruptcy and 
ruin. An able and impartial writer, who avows himself 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 8S 

in favor of a bank, says, in speaking of the close of Mr. 
Cheves's administration : 

" The bank then passed into other hands, and from that time to 
•1836 there were no causes developed which threatened a general sus- 
pension of the State institutions ; but there were various important 
minor crises which were all more or less aggravated by the action of 
the bank of the United States ; and with the causes in operation from 
1830 to 1836, (independent of those arising from the war between the 
Government and the bank,) had its charter been renewed, it would 
inevitably have failed. These causes are well known: they were 
chiefly in a series of years of high prices for cotton, of introduction of 
foreign credit and capital into the foreign trade of the country, the 
gradual increase of loans to the States, and the stopping of payments 
on account of the national debt. The operation of these causes 
brought in a gradual and continual accession of capital, and enlarged 
the bases of credit and confidence in that degree that engagements 
were infinitely multiplied and business expanded, and together with 
the immense increase of Government deposits in the bank, make it 
all but certain that, under its then management and great and in- 
creasing circulation and extension, it would have been the first to 
fail and carry the country with it ; and we believe the time is not far 
distant when this will be considered beyond question. It behoves 
us, therefore, if we are to have another bank, to have it so restricted 
and constructed as to place it out of the power of enterprise or 
cupidity to endanger its safety, and to lessen the mischief which 
always accompanies the action of such large bodies in times of diffi- 
culty. " 

Again : another able writer on finance gives a state- 
ment whicli can not be controverted. I challenge con- 
tradiction here or elsewhere. 

The fact that, for a few years during the existence of the United 
States Bank, the exchanges were uniform, proves nothing but that a 



84 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

combination of extraordinary events tended to produce a greater sup- 
ply of credit than could for some years be absorbed in the regular 
course of business. These were created partly by the yearly pay- 
ments of ^10,000,000 on account of the national debt, which went 
through the United States Bank as the fiscal agent, and the creation 
of a large amount of State debts that formed the bases of bills. From 
the creation of the United States Bank in 1817, up to 1823, the ex- 
changes were in as bad a condition as they are at this moment. The 
banks of the South and South-West did not pay specie, and the United 
States Bank had no power over them. In 1820, large issues of State 
stocks commenced as follows ; 



STATE STOCKS ISSUED FROM 1821 TO 1830. 

Issue commenced — 1820 South-Carolina, $1,560,000 

1823 Pennsylvania, 7,980,000 

1823 Virginia, 1,499,000 

1823 Alabama, 100,000 

1824 , . .New-York,, 8,496,781 

1824. . . , I^uisiana , . . . 1,800,000 

J?35. ....... .Ohio,. . . . , 4,400,000 



Total, $25,835,781 



In this we find that nearly every section of the Union had large 
credits to draw against, created by stock sales. In these stocks 
were invested a large amount of the money paid out through the 
United States Bank to the public creditors. This was an important 
element in regulating the exchanges ; and as during that period the 
movements of the bank were confined to regular business only, there 
was but little speculation abroad ; and these credits were all to be 
absorbed in regular business. A sufficiency of bills was thus created 
that effectually prevented any extraordinary rise in rates. Let us 
now see the movements of the bank during the whole existence, as 
follows; 



THE nSCAL SPEECH. 85 



BANK OP THE UNITED STATES, FROM ITS ORGANIZATION UP TO JAN., 1841. 



Tear. 


Loans. 


Stocks held. 


Specie. 


Circulation. 


Deposits. 


Jan., 1817 


13,485,195 


$4,829,234 


11,724,109 


$1,911,200 


$11,233,021 


1S18 


41,181,750 


9,475,932 


2,515,949 


8,339,448 


12,279,207 


1S19 


85,786,263 


7,391,823 


2,666,696 


6,563,750 


5,792,8(19 


1820 


81,401,158 


7,192,980 


8,392,755 


3,589,481 


6,568,794 


1821 


80,906,199 


9,155,855 


7,&43,140 


4,567,053 


7,984,985 


1822 


28,061,109 


13,318,951 


4,761,299 


6,578,782 


8,075,152 


1828 


80,736,432 


11,018,552 


4,424,874 


4,361,058 


7,622,340 


1824 


33,432,034 


10,874,914 


5,815;,694 


4,647,071 


18,701,936 


1825 


81,812,617 


18,422,027 


6,746,952 


6,(08,394 


12,033,364 


1826 


33,424,621 


18,303,501 


3,960,158 


9.474,987 


11,214,640 


1827 


80,938,836 


n,764,a59 


6,457,161 


8,&49,409 


14,320,186 


1828 


33,682,905 


17,624.859 


6,170,045 


9,855,677 


14,497,330 


1829 


39,219,602 


16,099,099 


6,098,188 


11,901,656 


17,461,918 


1830 


40,663,805 


11,610,290 


7,608,076 


12,924.145 


16,045,782 


1831 


44,022,057 


8,674,681 


10,808,040 


16,251,267 


17,297,041 


1832 


66,293,707 


2,200 


7,038,023 


21,3-5,724 


22,761,434 


1S33 


61,695,913 


.... 


8,951,847 


17,518,217 


20,347,749 


1834 


54,911,461 





10,031,257 


19,208,379 


10,828,550 


1835 


61,808,739 


.... 


15,708,369 


17,339,797 


11,756,905 


1836 


59,232,445 




3,417,988 


23,075,422 


5,061,456 


1837 


57,393,709 




2,638,449 


11,477,968 


2,832,409 


1833 


45,258,571 


14,862,108 


8,770,842 


6,768,067 


2,616,713 


1839 


41,618,637 


17,957,497 


4,153,607 


6,982,621 


6,779,394 


1840 


36,839,593 


16,816,419 


1,469,674 


6,695,861 


8,328,521 


1841 


20,942,508 


10,822,717 


2,569,705 


7,157.517 


2,970,069 


April, 1341 


19,349,079 


10,913,240 


756,454 


8,249,576 


1,462,239 



We find here that, from 1819 to the election of General Jackson 
in 1828, the discounts of the bank varied but little, and never ran so 
high as its capital. In 1828 it increased its loans $6,000,000, and 
in each successive year up to 1832, there was a large increase of 
loans and a decrease in stocks. For a period of five years there is 
no return made of stock, but iir that time large loans were made on 
stocks. In March, 1835, these loans were $4,797,936 ; and in March, 
1836, they were $20,000,000. In March, 1835, the loans by the 
Exchange Committee commenced, and ran from $6,000,000 to 
$8,000,000 in two years. In all this period speculation ran very 
high. The State loans created from 1830 to 1835 were as follows : 



86 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 



STATE STOCK CREATED FROM 1830 TO 1835. 

Louisiana, $7,335,000 Mississippi, $2,000,000 

Alabama, 2,200,000 Tennessee, 500,000 

Indiana, 1,890,000 Illinois, 600,000 

Ohio, 1,101,000 Virginia, 086,000 

Maryland, 4,210,311 Maine, 554,976 

Pennsylvania, 16,130,003 New-York, 2,204,979 

Total, ■ $40,012,7 69 

United States Bank bills were paid out on those stocks to a great 
extent, and they thereby got an immense circulation, which ranged 
near ^23,000,000 in 1836. The credits created thereby went far to 
support the exchanges. In 1832 the immense fund that had yearly 
been thrown ofif by the payments on the public debt ceased by an 
extinguishment. In 1833 the deposits were removed, and the bank 
proceeded to curtail the loans on mercantile paper ; and as it did so, 
employed its funds on stock loans. Hence the discounts in 1835 had 
decreased $15,000,000, and the stock loans, according to the late 
Committe report, w^ere $20,000,000, while the specie had accumu- 
lated to ^15,000,000. In 1838, according to the table, there was a 
further reduction of $14,000,000 in discounts, and an increase of 
$15,000,000 in the stock account. In the following year the same 
feature was apparent. The whole contraction of loans from 1833 to 
the present time is $49,000,000, which of course was good. The 
remaining ^19,000,000 is the refuse ; and when we take into con- 
sideration the circumstances of its creation, it may be put down as 
worthless. The late report states that " very little of it is mercan- 
tile paper." The details of these bills would be very interesting. 

From 1835 to 1838, the creation of State stock amounted to 
$108,423,808, almost all the States participating. Under the infla- 
tion of the bank, the fictitious business had become so great as to 
absorb all the bills based upon these credits. The banks stopped, 
their paper became depreciated, and the exchanges fell into confusion. 

Although the bank called in its loans on regular paper after 1833, 
it re-loaned the money on stocks. The officers speculated with it in 
all kinds of ways, and when, in 1836, the charter was to be paid for, 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 87 

the bank was obliged to borrow $5,000,000 in London, and 12,500,000 
francs in France. The creation of stock gave to each section an ex- 
cess of credit on the financial centre of the Union, that of itself 
regulated exchanges, and would have done so in the hands of private 
dealers, without a national hank ; and exchanges would have worked 
as regularly as they do throughout Europe without any bank. 

Now, sir, let us hear no more of tlie beneficent opera- 
tion of the old bank. It is dead, but its disastrous con- 
sequences still live. 

We need not a Government bank to regulate 
exchanges ; they are regulated by the immutable laws 
of nature — by supply and demand. Artificial remedies 
for currency disorders are like artificial stimulants to 
the prostrate animal — the resuscitation, to be permanent 
and healthful, must be produced by the inherent vigol' 
of the system, which depends upon the inherent vitality 
of itself What is exchange ? It is simply the transfer 
of property or its representative. If banks confine 
their business to the legitimate objects of their creation — 
making loans upon short bond fide business paper, and 
no other — exchanges can not be deranged, because then 
the notes discounted represent commodity ; capital is 
loaned, and not credit — which, as all writers on com- 
mercial banking agree, is the only thing a bank should 
loan. We require nothing to regulate exchanges, if our 
nine hundred banks do their duty ; but if they will 
only in part perform it — one portion of the country 
suspending, and the other paying specie— the exchanges 
will become disturbed, and human ingenuity can not 
devise a national bank to remedy the difficulty. 

But, sir, granting that every merit you claim for a 
national bank was well founded, and that it would per- 



88 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

form all the beneficent action promised, it can not te put 
into successful operation, nor can it ever obtain public 
confidence. The people of our country have had a sur- 
feit of their banking system. Of all the evils of corrupt 
legislation, the creation of banks, whether State or na- 
tional, has been the worst. I think the assertion can be 
established, that nearly all, if not all the periodical de- 
rangement in our monetary affairs has had its origin in it. 
Banks appear to be the instruments selected by man to 
subvert God's blessings. Look abroad upon the face of 
our beautiful country ; see its expanse of empire, stretch- 
ing almost from the rising to the setting of the sun ; its 
climate of every variety — the soft zephyrs of the South, 
and stern frigidity of the North ; its soil sending forth 
spontaneously, almost without the force of man's labor, 
the richest products of earth's bosom; its bounteous 
supply of rivers for navigation, and watering-streams 
for tillage ; its mighty oak, for the construction of the 
world's commerce, and the skill and energy for its 
speedy monopoly. And were these not given — ^had 
God not lavished upon us these gifts — look at the 
governmental fabric bequeathed to us by " the sires of 
whom we are the degenerate posterity !" See its adapt- 
ation to our physical and mental being; its invisible 
operation upon our cohesion and fraternity. Again: 
see the resources of our strong arms, native intellects, 
and indomitable enterprise, raising us aloft in all the 
attributes of gifted man ; but, alas ! turned upon our- 
selves, the weapons of our own destruction — the engines 
by which we perpetrate a suicide upon our own pros- 
perity. It is ourselves, then, and not God, who produce, 
by the creation of credit, and not capital, the evils of 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. 89 

wHcli "we complain. The munificent Bestower of all 
blessings licos allotted to our portion of his domain, fair 
verdure, congenial climate, and individual adaptation of 
character ; but by our own hands have we fallen victims 
to the abuse of what was intended as blessings, sacrificed 
bj legislation, destroyed by turning our back upon the 
benevolence of God, looking to banks and not industry. 

Sir, do you know what banks have cost the people ? 
I will show you. 

In a report made to this House by the Committee of 
"Ways and Means in 1830, it was estimated that, previous 
to 1817, the Government lost by loans made to it in 
depreciated currency, and paid in specie, $33,000^000 

The late Secretary of the Treasury, in a 
report to the Senate, tells us that, since 
then, the Government has lost .... 15,492,000 

That the people have lost directly by 
bank faHures, 108,885,721 

Losses by suspensions of specie pay- 
ments by banks, and consequent deprecia- 
tion on their notes, 95,000,000 

Losses by destruction of bank-notes by 
accidents, 7,121,332 

Losses by counterfeit bank-notes, beyond 
losses by coin, 4,444,444 

Losses by fluctuations in bank currency 
affecting prices, extravagance in living, sac- 
rifices of property, and by only a part of 
the other incidents to the banking system, 
not computed above, at least 150,000,000 

$413,943,497 



90 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

But, sir, we do not stop here. This is an enormous 
aggregate, but this is not all. The losses by fictitious 
banks and their notes — operations of mere swindling — 
are very considerable ; and they are justly chargeable 
to our system of paper currency. Besides, there are 
frauds, robberies, and defalcations, connected with the 
banks, which might be properly set down under this 
head : but these are not easy to compute. 

The amount paid by the country to the banks, during 
the last ten years, for the use of their agency and their 
notes, after deducting six per cent, interest for the use of 
bank capital and the reasonable expenses of managing 
the banks, is computed at $94,000,000 ; being an annual 
sum of $9,400,000. 

Of the aggregate losses sustained by the commu- 
nity since 1789, Mr. Woodbury computes that there 
must have happened within the last ten years an amount 
of $200,000,000; which is at the annual rate of 
$20,000,000. 

Is not this a frightful exliibit of what banks have 
cost the people ? But it is not all. Where is the gath- 
erer of statistics who will attempt to compute the losses 
sustained by men who, seduced from the small earnings 
of an honest avocation, have been insnared into the 
temptation of a bank discount? What master hand 
shall delineate the wreck of morals and loss of character, 
to say nothing of domestic happiness, produced thereby ? 
Who will furnish us a record of the defalcations, for- 
geries, dishonest self-appropriations, with which our 
press is almost daily teeming ? Sir, these are evils of 
the system. The wisdom of this, or any other country, 



THE FISCAL SPEECH. ^ 91 

never created banks, as sucli, without these concomitant^ 
These evils appear to be a necessary consequence — a 
certain result. Is it not strange, then, we find in this 
House advocates for a bank as an agent of the Govern- 
ment — as a keeper of the public finances — men willing 
to strike from existence a law with which they have- 
not, and can not justly find fault ; and place in its stead 
one, the result of which all experience proves is pregnant 
with the worst of evils — the very impersonation of na- 
tional disaster ? 

But, sir, in conclusion, let me say, Go on — pass this 
bill — charter your bank — fasten this iniquity upon the 
country ; the mighty shout of repeal has gone forth 
from my lion-hearted constituency. Ay ! repeal ! re- 
peal ! ! repeal ! I ! From that ground from whence first 
floated to the winds the bright banner of ^^ Divorce of 
Bank and State^^ — borne aloft by the stout arms and 
honest hearts of the down-trodden, but indignant mass- 
es — now is heard, trumpet-tongued, the voice of repeal. 
New- York has spoken: she never speaks in vain. I 
echo her voice in these halls. It is the proudest moment 
of my life that I have been the first in this debate to 
ring into the ears of great men's satellites : " Bind the 
chains of this bank upon us, and the Democracy will 
rend them asunder by a speedy repeal of its charter." 



CHAPTER IX. 

CONGRESS — THE TARIFF SPEECH. 

Among otlier questions wliicli were greatly discussed 
in this Congress was the question of the tariff; a point 
which has produced more excitement and agitation, and 
has excited more bitter feeling between North and 
South than any other matter, except slavery. Mr. Clay 
had already promulgated the doctrine of protection for 
American labor, and by his extraordinary ability and 
commanding eloquence, succeeded in creating and sus- 
taining a powerful party around him. 

Although himself a slaveholder, and an uncompro- 
mising enemy of Abolitionism, his great talents brought 
to his side the manufacturing interests of the North and 
East, regions so hostile to slavery. According to the 
prevailing fashion with questions started by great states- 
men, this too became a matter of party, and fealty to 
party dictated the position to be taken by the popular 
representatives. 

The Democratic party opposed Clay's doctrine on the 
ground that American labor, being able to compete with 
the industry of the whole world, it needed no protection 
from discriminating impgsts or duties in its favor — that 



CONGRESS — THE TARIFF SPEECH. 93 

every dollar of duty levied by Government upon imports, 
beyond the money absolutely needed for governmental 
expenses, was taken from tlie pockets of tbe whole peo- 
ple to benefit a single class, to wit, the* manufacturers. 
Clay and kis followers said that American labor should 
be protected against the pauper labor of Europe, with 
many another strong argument. And the excitement 
throughout the country was great in this matter. 

The Democratic party had sustained an immense de- 
feat. Not only was Mr. Van Buren ousted from the Pre- 
sidential chair, but the Whigs had elected both Houses of 
Congress by a decided majority. The Democratic ma- 
jority in the lower House was only twenty -five. Mr. 
"Wood's district, a commercial one, was from its interests 
anti-tariff, and opposed to obstructions of foreign com- 
merce, such as discriminating duties on foreign manu- 
factures. Mr. Clay found against him the commercial, 
importing, and shipping interests of New- York. Mr. 
Wood went with his constituents. 

Mr. Clay's party, among other things, instructed the 
Committee on Manufactures to send for witnesses who 
might bear testimony on the subject of the tariff laws, 
etc., which Committee being known to be in favor of a 
tariff, was not thought likely to be influenced by any 
adverse testimony. Mr. White, of Kentucky, a warm 
partisan of Clay, had formed the Committee in further- 
ance of the project, and the mover for the testimony, 
Mr. Saltonstall, of Massachusetts, who represented a 
manufacturing district, knew that the Committee would 
report in favor of the tariff. 

These instructions, Mr. Wood opposed in the speech 



94 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

wMcli follows, and with so great success, that imme- 
diately on resuming his seat, it was moved by Mr. Wil- 
liams, of North-Carolina, that the resolution be laid upon 
the table. This was carried by a majority of twenty- 
nine, in a House almost entirely Whig and Protectionist. 

SPEECH ♦ 

ON THE 

OPERATION OF THE TARIFF LAWS. 
Deliteeed Feb. 9, 1S42. 

Mr. Saltonstall, from the Committee on Manufac- 
tures, reported the following resolution : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Manufactures be authorized to 
send for witnesses and take testimony on the subject of the present 
tariflF laws, their operation upon the interests of the country, and the 
alterations which those interests require. 

Which being under consideration, 

Mr. Wood rose, and addressed the House, in substance 
as follows : 

Mr. Speaker : I am in favor of all information which 
it is possible to gather upon this important question, and 
desire, as earnestly as any gentleman, that every legal 
and just means be taken to procure it. I am willing to 
go far, very for, to obtain light ; for none more than 
myself believes it is required. Of all questions affecting 
individual and Government interests, directly or indi- 
rectly, that is paramount; therefore light should be 
had, that we may legislate knowingly and imderstand- 
ingly. This House, of all the world, requires it. The 



THE TARIFF SPEECH. 95 

discussion of the revenue bill of last session, and motion 
of reference of the taiiff portion of the President's mes- 
sage this session, have convinced me we have too little 
of the requisite knowledge. We are lamentably igno- 
rant of the practical operation of our import system, or 
in what respect it needs modification or alteration. The 
country is in Avant of light. The manufacturing districts 
should have the light of reason and experience, to show 
them the fallacy of submitting their interests to the con- 
trol and jurisdiction of demagogues. And from whence 
must it come ? From practical men, of all classes, pro- 
fessions, and occupations. The dreamy theorist of the 
old world, or one-sided, interested advocates of this, 
can not, if they would, impart it to us. It must be 
drawn from a philosophic study and comparison of facts, 
and not from inventive political economists. We must 
go into an investigation as expansive and deep as will 
be the bearing of our decision upon the interests of the 
people and prosperity of the Government. All men 
must give us the result of their experience. In dispos- 
ing of a question which involves every interest — the 
ramifications of which extend to every man, woman 
and child in the nation — which is inseparably connected 
with and controls the public treasury, a precise and 
positive knowledge is unquestionably indispensable. 

There must be no surmises, no guessing, no specula- 
tion. Facts, indisputable and beyond impeachment, 
must be the basis of our action. I would examine the 
merchant. I would ask him how and in what manner 
a high tariff affects commerce ; whether a tariff suffi- 
ciently high for protection is not inconsistent with a 



96 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

tariff for revenue ; wlietlier tariffs should be discriminat- 
ing, or an unvarying ad valorem; how the English 
warehousing system, and the proposed home valuation, 
would be adapted to this country, and what rate of 
duties would best prevent smuggling and other invasions 
of the revenue laws, and the other numerous inquiries 
of detail. I would ask the agriculturist under which 
system, high or low duties, the native products of the 
soil would find the most advantageous market ; whether 
he was willing to pay an additional tax upon imple* 
ments of husbandry, not to raise revenue by which to 
meet necessary national disbursements, but add to the 
already large profits of manufacturers; and whether 
a restrictive duty on foreign importations would not in 
time cut off much of the foreign demand for his own 
productions? The manufacturer should be consulted. 
I would ask him whether, without protection, under 
low duties, with a business insuring a fair remunera- 
tion, his interest would be subserved by encouraging 
the competition and rivalry of speculating adventurers ; 
if in those countries of Europe where the restrictive 
policy had been thrown off, the manufacturers had not 
surely flourished in proportion to advantages of material 
and labor ; and if American manufacturers can not sub- 
sist and flourish without the aid of Government, by 
what right does it demand a tax upon the whole indus- 
trial as well as non-producing population for its particu- 
lar benefit. I would ask whether he was ready to admit 
that, with our free institutions, superior industry, inge- 
nuity, and advantages of home-raised raw material, we 
could not compete with European monarchies ? And I 



THE TARIFF SPEECH. 97 

would now appeal to the consumer of all classes and 
occupations — to tlic backwoodsman of the Far West, 
and the sturdy operatives of the Atlantic cities. 

Of the hardy pioneer, whose capital is as much in the 
ax as the sinews which deal the blows, I would learn 
how he is affected — whether he is willing the instru- 
ments with which he levels the mighty oak of the forest, 
and the weapons with which he drives its original 
owners from their coverts, may be taxed to build up 
and cherish Eastern monopolizing, manufacturing cor- 
porations. Sir, in part, I have the honor to represent a 
large manufacturing district ; for I contend that he who 
planes a board, or makes a shoe, or constructs any work 
of art or mechanism from prepared or raw material, is 
as much a manufacturer as the denizens of your New- 
England associations, and should be as much consulted. 
To the manufacturers, or, in another word, the mechan- 
ics of the city of New- York, I would apply — I would 
ask them whether they desire that the doctrine of pro- 
tection be put into practical operation, and that the fos- 
tering care of Grovernment be exerted for their particular 
benefit, to the detriment of every other class, and destruc- 
tion of our present means of raising revenue ? Whether 
they are willing to carry out the principles of the Home 
League, by paying thirty dollars for a coat which pre- 
viously had cost but twenty-five? I know them too 
well to do them the injustice not to anticipate their 
answer. They require no protection but the reward of 
honest industry. They come not to your halls for fos- 
tering care. If there is a favor they would ask or accept 
at your hands, it is non-interference — to let them alone — 
5 



98 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

to cease yonr officious intermeddling, and, least of all, 
keep away the protection of a high, tariff, wMcli they 
look upon as 

"Such protection as vultures give to lambs — 
Covering and devouring them." 

They will turn to you and say, " Grentlemen, last ses- 
sion you squandered the public treasure upon bankrupt, 
profligate States, giving away, in a corrupt bargain, that 
which cost our fathers blood and treasure, and now 
come to us with the conciliatory notes of kindness, witli 
a base bribe to buy our favor. We will none of it. 
We question that the policy of high duties is beneficial 
to us ; but we hnoiu, if it were so, that it is iniquitous, 
anti-democratic, and unequal. We have principles 
dearer to us than pecuniary advantage. We would not 
have you destroy the harmony of the glorious and beau- 
tiful IJnion, or do aught to impair the fabric of our po- 
litical existence, to put in our pockets the wealth of the 
Indies. We are no dollar-and-cent patriots ; they may 
be found in your marble palaces, but not in our obscure 
workshops. It is true we produce every thing and get 
nothing, and you produce nothing and get every thing ; 
yet your injustice to us shall not compel us to be unjust 
to others." This would be their answer, as it would, if 
I mistake not, the answer of the same class throughout 
the Union. 

Sir, I am in favor of getting, in this manner, the facts 
upon which to base our action, but object to the medium 
through which it is proposed by this resolution to pro- 
cure them. I am not willing to trust the Committee on 



THE TAKIFF SPEECH. 99 

Manufactures, as now organized, with the power of mak- 
ing those inquiries ; better have no investigation, and 
depend upon ihe lights of our own experience, than be 
fatally misled. In searching for facts, let us beware of 
false facts. If we desire to enter the haven safely, let 
us take pilots whose interest or enniity will not drive us 
upon the beach. I can not give my vote to intrust this 
responsible and important duty to the Committee on 
Manufactures. 

It is no small part of our legislative rights that this 
resolution asks shall be given them. Under an ingenious 
construction of the Constitution, power can be found in 
it to do almost any thing, in the name of the House of 
Eepresentatives of the United States ; it can command 
the attendance of witnesses, whether for real or pretended 
examination, and institute an inquisitorial scrutiny into 
accounts and papers. In many ways it can, if it will, 
encroach upon the rights and property of citizens. Nor 
is this all. Admitting no individual rights were violated, 
I ask if it is, as now composed, two thirds of its mem- 
bers having pre-judged, representing constituents loudly 
clamorous for protection; I ask, is it the proper Commit- 
tee to undertake this inquiry ? It is truly and emphati- 
cally a Committee for protection. Let us look into the 
districts of a majority of the members. The honorable 
chairman (Mr. Saltonstall) has, in the two counties 
which he is set down in the Congressional Directory as 
representing, 19,567 persons engaged in manufactures 
and trades. 

[Here Mr. Saltonstall inquired of Mr. Wood what 
portion of them were engaged in mechanics, and what 



100 BIOGEAPHY OF FERKAITDO WOOD. 

portion in trading. He said his district was commercial, 
agricultural, and navigating, a,nd that lie premised the 
gentleman from New- York (Mr. W.) was mistaken in 
his district.] 

Mr. Speaker, for the counties composing the gentle- 
man's district, I quote from the Congressional Directory, 
furnished to this House by its ofi&cers, and for the statis- 
tics from the sixth census, recently taken. I presume 
the authority is good — it has never before been ques- 
tioned. The next member is the gentlemasn from Rhode- 
Island, (Mr. Tillinghast). In the county of his resi- 
dence, (Providence,) I find there are 14,802 persons 
engaged in manufactures and trades, although its whole 
industrial popula,tion, including all employments and 
professions, is but 24,645. The gentleman and one col- 
league represent the whole State, in which there are but 
five counties. So in truth he is the representative of, it 
is safe to estimate, in all, at least double that number. 
The next on the Committee is the gentleman from New- 
Jersey, (Mr. Randolph.) Himself and five colleagues 
are elected by general ticket. He has no district. The 
wbole State had 27,004 engaged in manufactures and 
trades, which, giving him one sixth, make him the re- 
presentative of over 4500. 

We come now, sir, to the distinguished advocate of 
high protection 9,nd abolition, the gentleman of Ver- 
mont, (Mr. Slade.) He is. set down as representing Rut- 
land and Addison counties, which have, together, 2232 
of the same class. The fifth is my colleague from Rens- 
selaer county, (Mr. Hunt,) who has 4787 in his district. 
The sixth is the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. 



THE TAEIFF SPEECH. 101 

Henry,) who represents 2612. There are but nine 
members on the Committee. The branches of industry 
and principal business of the constituency of six of 
them, are here shown. They are gentlemen elected to 
this House by manufacturing districts, for the avowed 
purpose of procuring from Congress a high tariff for 
protection. They are fully committed to the advocacy of 
such a law. Had they not been, their seats would now 
have other occupants. They could not have been elected 
holding opinions adverse to the opinions of their people. 
Those opinions have been repeatedly expressed, accom- 
panied by uncompromising demands of protection. I 
repeat, therefore, this is a Committee of protection — for 
an ultra high tariff. 

Now, sir, is this the proper medium through which 
to collect the necessary information to guide us to a fair, 
equal and wise disposition of the tariff question ? It is 
not! A large majority of its members would go into 
the investigation with interests and prejudices mislead- 
ing their judgments and controlling their decisions. 
Local preferences would be consulted. The political 
power which created and can destroy, would have the 
preponderance. That comprehensive view of this wide- 
spread country, with its diversified and delicate inter- 
ests, could not be taken. All classes and occupations 
would not alike be called upon for evidence ; nor would 
the evidence collected receive dispassionate considera- 
tion. A report would be made to us and go forth to 
the country, with all the authority of a Congressional 
document, with false inductions from doubtful facts. Is 
the House prepared to give this power to the men who 



102 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

ask it ? — ^to place in the custody of tlie representatives 
of one class the vital interest of all other classes. Will 
the people support us in it if we do? I think not. The 
gentleman from Ehode-Island (Mr. Tillinghast) tells us 
the power is safely intrusted, for we give it to honorable 
men. It may be so. I question no man's honor ; but 
has the honorable gentleman forgotten that the most 
beautiful object in nature will appear hideous if seen 
through a jaundiced vision ? How often have men's 
passions made the brightest truth seem to them the foul- 
est falsehood? Who does not remember the error, 
misery, and bloodshed, which have been perpetrated in 
the world by counsels that had pre-judged? Or is the 
judicature of the holy inquisition forgotten, whose vic- 
tims passed through the form and ceremonies of trial, 
before judges, who, out of their own evidences, adjudged 
the innocent to torture ? But, that the application be 
more du^ect, who would willingly submit a cause at 
common law to the decision of a jury of opponents ? or 
what member of this House would like his general vera- 
city tested by the testimony of personal enemies ? 

The case is plain. The Committee on Manufactures 
are one-sided and partial. We must have an unbiased 
investigation or none. We want light, not darkness ; 
and, sir, it is not the evil which may be inflicted now, 
the erroneous opinions that may spring up in an honest 
community at this time, or the improper turn to be given 
to present legislation, that excites all my fears. I look 
to posterity. It is our duty to the " generations which 
come after us," not to hang out false lights. Legislators 
are wedded to precedents and the quotations of authori- 



THE TAEIFF SPEECH. 108 

ties. Hand not down to our cliildren the record of their 
fathers prostituting every thing to mammon. This report 
would become a portion of our parhamentarj history, 
and go to the world and after ages as a statement of 
facts with warranted inference. It will gain . force by 
time. Hereafter, when years may have obliterated the 
data by which to expose its fallacies, it will become, if 
not an absolute law, certainly a powerful weapon with 
which to perpetuate the evil now effected. These are 
important considerations. 

But, Mr. Speaker, suppose the objections here urged 
against the present character of the Committee cease to 
operate by changing its members. Let us imagine it 
freed from the charges I bring — in all things irreproach- 
able and unimpeachable, without prejudice, interest, or 
passion. Is there time at this session to perform the 
work ? There is not, "Witnesses are to be summoned 
from beyond the White Mountains in the East — from 
the Texan border in the South — the frozen regions of 
the North, and the forests and prairies of the West — 
American citizens, ahke interested in our impost system 
of taxation, are to be drawn from their homes, separated 
by more than a thousand leagues. Innumerable ques- 
tions of detail, as well as general principles, arc to be 
asked practical merchants from different seaports. An 
almost incredible amount of commercial intelligence is 
necessary to commence the basis of the proposed struc- 
ture, and it can only come from the enlightened of those 
who have learned by experience. This is a wide field 
of investigation, demanding careful and exact inquiry. 
The manufacturers have much to impart; they have 



104 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

honest differences npon cardinal points, wMcli should be 
entertained and reconciled ; their several classes are to 
be consulted. The agriculturist would have mighty 
claims upon our attention : this noble art is cultivated in 
our country by near four million inhabitants, whose rapidly 
increasing prosperity begins to look for outlets in foreign 
markets. Of aU the avocations of man, tilling the soil 
is most legitimate, and in accordance with his nature. 
It should be guaranteed the fuU earnings of his labor, 
and the imposition of iadirect taxes be freed from une- 
qual exactions. 

Is it possible to thoroughly perform this duty in the 
most extended time allowable at this session? How 
long do the majority iutend to keep us at the Capitol ? 
Eeference was made yesterday to the report of Mr. 
Hume to the British House of Commons. It is argued 
that that report had been the work of far less time than 
was necessary in our instance. I am glad the advocates 
of this resolution have alluded to that precedent. If 
they are so chained to the examples of British legisla- 
tion, I wish them more judgment in their selections. 
For myself, I repudiate the policy of drawing upon 
English habits and English customs, whether social or 
political. I desire that some of these days we may be- 
come less dependent and menial. I know it is said, by 
the friends of Britaia upon this side of the Atlantic — 
and she has many — that our interests are inseparable. 
I deny it. The true interest of America is to sever all 
connection with the worn-out and rotten monarchies of 
Europe — ^to be as independent in her pecuniary relations 
as she is gloriously independent in her political relations. 



THE TARIFF SPEECH. 105 

As she rests "apoii no nation on earth to assist her in 
maintaining and carrying \>ut the undying truths of 
democracy, so should she rest on no nation on earth in 
assisting her in the simple walks of republican legisla- 
tion. We have the examples set us by the able and 
patriotic sires of their country. Our own few Congres- 
sional archives will furnish guides enough for the full 
deliberation of laws adapted to freemen. "When we go 
baek again to bondage, I will not complain of gentlemen 
who seek to adopt the rules of bondsmen to the abey- 
ance of freed men. But Mr. Hume's report has been 
referred to. I accept the i^ue. What are the particu- 
lars of its history ? On the 6th of May, 1840, by a 
resolution of the House of Commons, a select Committee 
was appointed, on motion of Mr. Hume, "to inquire 
into the several duties levied on imports into the United 
Kingdom, and how far those duties are for protection to 
similar articles, the product of manufacture of this 
country, (Great Britain,) or of the British possessions 
abroad, or whether the duties are for the purposes of 
revenue alone ; and to report the minutes of evidence 
taken, to the House." Upon this Committee were nine 
of the most prominent and able members of the Com- 
mons, at the head of which was Mr. Hume, the author 
of the proposition. 

I have no data of the day upon which it entered upon 
its duties, but suppose, as the session had far advanced, 
it commenced immediately. Twenty -nine witnesses were 
examined, each of whom was a resident of London ; not 
a man was summoned from beyond the precincts of the 
capital. Those who gave testimony were at the door ; 



106 BIOGEAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

but few practical men underwent examination, and in no 
instance was the investigati(5n lengthy or fall. Notwith- 
standing these favorable circumstances to a short and 
speedy termination, the sittings were continued until the 
6th of August — ^precisely three months from the day of 
commencement. Nor were the Committee satisfied they 
had accompHshed the objects of their creation. We 
have the recorded minutes to show they were not. At 
the last meeting, when the report was formally decided 
. upon. Sir C. Douglass, a member, offered the following 
amendment : " To strike out all after the first word of 
the report, and insert : ' the evidence, although partial 
and limited, is,of so various and valuable a character, that 
your Committee do not feel they should be justified in 
expressing any opinion founded on the impressions it is 
calculated to create. Your Committee consider that fur- 
ther information ought to be afforded, before they can 
make any recommendation as the result of their labors, 
and consequently they do not hesitate to suggest the 
reappointment of a committee^ early in the next session, to 
continue the investigation of this important subject.' " 
And in the report, as finally adopted and presented to 
the House, I find an admission that, " owing to the 
period of the session at which the inquiry was begun, 
the Committee have not been able to embrace all the 
several branches which come within the scope of their 
instructions." K gentlemen can find encouragement 
here to vote a similar proposition under auspices as far 
adverse to the procuration of reliable results as can well 
be, then their confidence in miracles is much greater 
than my own. Mr. Hume's Committee sat three months, 



THE TARIFF SPEECH. 107 

in wliicli it examined twenty-nine witnesses, every man 
of wliom was within an hour's call, and finally made an 
admitted ex parte report, without having touched ''seve- 
ral branches which come within the scope of their in- 
structions." Now, sir, how long would it take our 
Committee on Manufactures, whose witnesses must be 
called from far-distant sections of our empire, and whose 
inquiries must embrace the feelings, views and predilec- 
tions of people as opposite in sentiment as they are dis- 
tant in geographical position? K the London investi- 
gation took three months, how long ought ours, pro raUxI 
Further argument upon this point would be an insult to 
your understandings. It is obvious there is not time to 
carry out this scheme properly, were it possible to do so 
with such a committee, and make a report for action at 
this session of Congress. Dog days would be upon TiF 
before these gentlemen's gathered light would throw its 
rays upon this benighted body, and it would be really 
August when their august dignities were prepared to 
Tender an account of their stewardship. 

Mr. Speaker, my friend from Tennessee, (Mr. Brown,) 
who addressed us yesterday, informed the House that 
the Committee (of which he is a worthy member, and to 
his credit let me add, is opposed to this imprudent re- 
quest,) have been already receiving volunteer informa- 
tion. They have been anticipating our. action by open- 
ing the doors of their committee-room to the swarms of 
hungry applicants for favor who invest this city. I 
know not by what authority this is done. But with 
authority or not, it can not influence my opinions. If it 
is volunteer testimony they require, I doubt not it will 



108 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

be supplied. Every mail from the East is loaded with 
circiilars and letters from parties having dollars and cents 
at stake. Where direct advantage follows the enact- 
ment of laws, there is no lack of disinterested patriotism 
to volunteer assistance. The doctrine of free trade is 
called an abstraction; if so, it gives no prospects 
of practical personal gain, and, therefore, has few 
energetic, spirited advocates, who will travel hundreds 
of miles to the Capitol, to enforce upon law-makers 
its truths. The volunteer assistance procured by the 
Committee will come from the disinterested patriotism of 
those who desire the prohibition, by high duties, of the 
commodity which they themselves manufacture. 

One other objection. This investigation, if instituted, 
should be by joint commission of both Houses. We are 
Jtjint in action — dependent upon each other in the final 
passage of laws. The information is as necessary for the 
Senate as ourselves. It is not my purpose to detain the" 
House longer with arguments against this resolution. I 
have already said more than was my intention at rising, 
but less than I believe the subject demands. I have 
attempted to show (with what success the House will 
decide) that an impartial and an instructive report, really 
useful as a guide to our legislation, can not follow the 
dehberations and searchings of this Committee — that it 
is one-sided, and has pre-judged the case upon which it 
desires to act the umpire — ^that there is not time, were it 
without these objections. 

Mr. Speaker, if I were to follow the example of some 
learned gentlemen, members of this House, I would now 
proceed and discuss the merits of the tariff question. 



THE TARIFF SPEECH. 109 

But believing such deviation from "order" is "better in 
the breach than the observance," I shall withhold. At 
the proper time, when the great question is legitimately 
before us, I hope to be allowed to give my views. Then 
I shall attempt its discussion in every one of its multi- 
plicity of phases. In advance, I beg leave to give 
notice that when a bill is reported, I shall, to the extent 
of my ability, impress upon the House the following 
points : 

1. Special laws, granting exclusive privileges, or en- 
couragement to particular classes or professions, are 
unequal and consequently unjust, and in violation of the 
genius of our institutions, and of the Constitution. A 
protective tariff is of this class. 

2. Protective duties are high duties laid upon foreign 
products, whether manufactured or raw, to prevent their 
importation at prices less than the same products of our 
own country, and must, to be effectual, be mostly pro- 
hibitory. Now as the impost system of taxation was 
origmally adopted to raise revenue to defray national 
expenditures, and as a high tariff is an abolition of 
revenue, some other mode of taxation must be devised. 
What shall that mode be ? 

3. But if a tariff for protection was consistent with a 
tariff for revenue, and both would follow the same regu- 
lation of imposts, yet would it be suicidal to commerce. 
For if it is true that decreased importations, by the ope- 
ration of an increased duty, will pay the same revenue, 
yet commerce suffers; additionally from the fact, that 
the excluded nations would seek out other buyers, and 
of course other markets for purchase. 



110 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

4. A high duty is a tax upon the consumer to the 
amount of duty paid upon the foreign article, and whilst 
it increases the price of the home-made article to that of 
the foreign, yet in the former instance (the home-made) 
the increased price goes into the pockets of manufactur- 
ers, and not into the treasury; therefore, if the object of 
protection was fully attained, of excluding the competi- 
tion of foreign commodity, and supplying its place solely 
with home-made, the seventeen millions of consumers 
would be extra taxed, over and above the necessary ex- 
penses of government, for the benefit of the less than 
eight hundred thousand engaged in manufactures and 
trades. 

5. Protection is injurious to manufactures. It re- 
stricts its market to home consumption, for other nations 
will retaliate the policy of exclusion, and if they do not, 
the enhanced price of our manufactures would prevent 
their competing with other countries ; and would raise a 
vigorous, speculating competition at home, which would 
destroy the present progressive prosperity by inducing 
to enter the business, men without principle or fortune. 

6. Commerce is the greatest protection to manufac- 
tures, and high duties are destructive of commerce. For 
high duties discourage importations, induce other nations 
to turn to manufacturing, which before were content to 
purchase by exchange of raw materials; encourage 
smuggling and other evasions of the revenue laws ; cause 
similar restrictions upon our productions of the soil, 
and onerous port charges and vexatious maritime regu- 
lations. 

7. The protective policy is hostile to the prosperity 



THE TARIFF SPEECH. Ill 

and good condition of tlie laboring manufacturer. It is 
in extended commerce, wliich coequally extends the 
field of labor, a free, untrammelled intercbange of com- 
modity with tbe whole universe, and the entire absence 
of all legislative interference or bounties, that labor will 
find its best reward, and industry its best protection. 

8. The spirit of the age is tending towards free tro,de. 
The nations of Europe have recently become anxious 
inquirers into its political and social advantages. The 
general assimilation of customs regulation, the mutual 
dependence of an unfettered intercourse, the beautiful 
and harmonious working of a system beyond the control 
of ambition or avarice, would in time bind mankind in 
bonds of "amity, good will, and peace," driving war 
and famine for ever from the world. 



C H A P T E R X . 

CONGRESS — SPEECH ON THE NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL. 

The next effort of Mr. Wood was Ms speecli on the 
Navy Appropriation Bill, which was delivered in the 
House of.Kepresentatives in May, 1842. 

The subject was of no vital importance as a national 
question, but the speech must be essentially interesting 
to the citizens of New- York, inasmuch as it exhibits that 
keen outlook for public economy, that resolute opposi- 
tion to unnecessary public expense, since exhibited in 
the mayoralty messages, and entitling His Honor to so 
much gratitude from the people whose interests he 
knows how to, and will protect. His knowledge of 
federal finances and disbursements is shown in the pro- 
position (page 124) to reduce the expenses of Govern- 
ment, and by his pointing out in what departments such 
reduction would be useful. 

SPEECH 

ON THE NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL. 
Dklitebed Mat 20, 1842. 



Mr. Chairman : The Committee will remember that, 
on yesterday, the House resolved, on motion of the 
honorable chairman of the Committee of Ways and 



SPEECH OK THE NAVY APPROPRIATION" BILL. 113 

Means, to take this bill out of Committee, and close 
debate tbereon, on Monday next at 1 o'clock. The 
Committee will also remember that, though it has been 
before us longer than a week, and though it contains 
twentj-nine sections, and proposes an appropriation of 
nearly eight millions of dollars, we have not as yet closed 
the debate upon the first section. In pursuance of the 
resolution adopted by the House, but two days remain 
to discuss the twenty-eight sections not approached. I 
submit it to gentlemen, whether it is possible to do' 
justice to the examination which these numerous details, 
not yet reached, require, within so short a period. For 
myself, I can not vote understandingly upon them, with 
the little information now before me. • Without reasons 
more cogent than any thus far offered, my vote shall be 
found recorded in the negative. I have listened atten- 
tively to the chairman of the Committee on Kaval 
Affairs, (Mr. Wise,) and to the gentleman from Massa- 
chusetts, (Mr. Cushing,) who appears as first lord of the 
admiralty ; and I respectfully deny that either, with all 
his ability and ingenuity, has adduced arguments sufS.- 
ciently exculpatory of the largeness and extravagance 
of this appropriation. 

Declamation and oratorical flourishes about the glories 
of the American navy can not induce me to give support 
to a profligate expenditure of the public money. I de- 
sire reliable facts, figures, and ofiScial statements — some- 
thing tangible, addressed to reason, and not the fancy. 
Since the establishment of this Government, there never 
existed a greater necessity for close investigation and 
care in voting away revenue, than the present ; yet we 



114 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

see honorable members ready to vote, without discussion 
or examination, every dollar asked of tliem. The haste 
with which it is sought to close this debate, and in a 
moment part with an amount which, under preceding 
administrations, constituted one third of the whole an- 
nual expenditure, is evidence in behalf of this remark. 

Have gentlemen reflected upon the responsibility they 
assume in yielding assent to a demand so unwarranted ? 
Have they looked into the enormous executive requisi- 
tions upon our table, and made comj)arisons with those 
from the same source under the late much-vilified 
regime? I opine not. What do facts tell us? The 
Secretary of the Navy has, in his annual report, esti- 
mated that the necessary outlays of his department for 
the year 1842 will be — 

For the naval service $8,213,287 23 

" marine service 502,292 60 

$8,715,579 83 
To this add the unexpended balance remaining 

to the credit of the department 2,965,594 96 

$11,681,174 79 

Congress have already voted for an iron steamer 500,000 00 

Various bills reported from the Committee on 
Naval Affairs, estimated 500,000 00 

i $12,681,174 79 
To which may be added the Home Squadron 

Appropriation of last session 789,000 00 

$13,470,174 79 

Kow, how does this amount bear comparison with 
the sums estimated for and appropriated by, the Demo- 



SPEECH ON THE NAVY APPROPKIATION BILL. 115 

cratic party wlien in power ? I will take the four years 
of Mr. Van Buren's administration. The official reports 
made to Congress show the following sums as estimates 
and appropriations : 

Estimates. Appropriations. 

1837 $5,513,721 00 $5,079,021 00 

1838 5,185,124 91 4,135,270 00 

1839 4,776,125 64 4,776,125 64 

1840 4,647,820 00 5,762,120 00 



Total, 820,122,791 55 $20,352,536 64 

Here it will be seen that the highest estimate for either 
of the four years was in 1837 — the year in which the 
exploring expedition was fitted out, at an expense of 
about $500,000 ; and, notwithstanding that charge, it 
amounted to but $5,513,721— being $3,201,858.83 less 
than the estimate for the present year. But, if this large 
difference exists in the estimates, how much larger will 
be the difference in the actual appropriations, if the 
Committee and the House pass the bill now presented. 
The largest appropriation made for any one year of the 
last administration was in 1840,. and amounted to but 
$5,762,120 ; whereas I have shown that, with the bills 
already passed, the bill before us, the estimate of the 
Secretary, and the unexpended balance, there will have 
been appropriated this year, $13,470,174.79 — an excess 
of $7,708,054.79, and thirteen twentieths of the Yan 
Buren four years. 

The amount demanded is equal to the whole sum 
expended for both army and navy in any one of the last 
five years. I can not vote for it. I C3,n not give my 



116 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

support, humble and inefficient as it may be, to this 
rapid progress towards tlie accumulation of a public 
debt, from wliicli it will be impossible to recover. I 
can not give my support to tbe rearing, in tbis bome of 
simple republicanism, a powerful and splendid navy, 
with all its paraphernalia of pomp and tyranny. I could 
not return to an honest and truly Democratic constitu- 
ency, after having aided in a system of profligate squan- 
dering ; especially when the deficit is to be drawn prin- 
cipally from the earnings of their industry. Hereafter, 
should it become my province to denounce (as it will be 
the duty of every good citizen) the enormous expendi- 
tures of the patriots now in power, I can not give them 
the privilege of pointing to my vote as having aided in 
the act. 

Sir, if the condition of our foreign relations bore a 
threatening aspect, and danger of collision was antici- 
pated from any quarter, no man sooner than myself 
would prepare and do battle for defense. The unani- 
mous voice of my people would be heard first in behalf 
of invigorating the maritime army. The only sentiment 
which could rise in my breast, if the position of pending 
negotiations were such as to leave " a hinge to hang a 
doubt upon," as to the speedy and amicable arrangement 
of all questions at issue, would be to arm, and " to arms" 
— *' millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute." 

But it is not contended that war is probable. No 
gentleman has advocated this bill upon that ground. 
The honorable Secretary has not proposed the increase 
predicated upon the slightest fears of difficulty with 
England. Nothing has been said in this debate, giving 



SPEECH ON THE NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL. 117 

color to the idea that an increase of the nav j is necessary 
in anticipation of any such event. It appears to be 
generally conceded that this is to be exclusively a per- 
manent peace establishment. ISTor are there causes for 
apprehension of war. Great Britain will not attempt 
the subjugation of the American prowess. It has never 
been her policy to declare hostilities against the brave, 
the powerful, and the just, when diplomacy or corrup- 
tion of honor by gold could reach the negotiating officer 
and obtain her object. So long as Daniel Webster wields 
the Department of State, and holds within his grasp the 
thoughts and will of the pliant Executive, so long wiU 
the peace of this country be maintained, if with England 
is the only contention. Her policy will seek other means 
of preserving peace and obtaining her desires than by 
the cannon and the sword. Experience has taught her 
that here are to be found, not imbecile Chinamen — ^not 
enervated Indiamen — not tjrrant-ridden Europeans — ^but 
men in the full growth of intellectual and physical man- 
hood ; who, when in embryo and comparatively power- 
less, stood up in two contests, unshrinkingly and suc- 
cessfully against her overgrown might. She knows we 
were refractory in childhood, and have never repented 
the contumacy : on the contrary, when what she con- 
ceived to be wholesome chastisement has been attempted, 
we have turned upon the parental assailant with other 
than filial mercy. For this we have not been forgiven ; 
nor do we ask forgiveness. It is true we are a sprout 
from her trunk ; but we have grown a rival tree. "We 
claim with her a common origin ; but, thank God ! we 
axe not linked to a common fate. We will perpetuate 



118 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

her language, and all that is ennobling in her virtues 
and glorious in her institutions ; but trample under our 
feet her threats, defy her prowess, repudiate her vices, 
and, if bloody strife ensues, sink into oblivion the last 
foothold of her trans- Atlantic power. 

Mr. Chairman, is now the time to enlarge the navy ? 
The wheels of Government but yesterday stood still, and 
the machinery of the Executive was stopped, for the 
want of a small pittance wherewithal to proceed. A 
permanent debt, heretofore unknown to the present 
generation, has been, within a twelvemonth, fastened 
upon us by the party in of&ce. But yesterday, the 
public faith was hawked up and down Wall and Chest- 
nut streets, an humble suppliant to British capitalists for 
favor. Pecuniary dishonor — the first since the estab- 
lishment of an American mint — has been permitted to 
visit and rest upon our esiiutcheon. Out of money, out 
of credit, embarrassed and financially disgraced — is this 
the chosen opportunity to appropriate the millions 
asked ? The vicious banking system having spread its 
evils through the land, our industry is borne down by 
oppressions which paralyze every sinew of production. 
The great bubble of extended credit-system, created and 
upheld as it was by the credit party, has exploded over 
our heads with terrible devastation, making a wreck of 
fortune, character, and life, and sinking the iron deep 
into the bosom of the wife and mother. With the yeo- 
manry and trading population, "chaos is come again" — 
man looks upon his fellow as a foe. Self-preservation 
and interest are now the predominant springs of action. 
The biting want of maintenance has driven the mind to 



SPEECH ON THE NAVY APPKOPKIATION BILL. 119 

expedients for a sustenance, as it has taught a lesson in 
economy wliich force^ that unyielding tutor, has driven 
hun to practise. Men have realized want. It is no 
longer an unpleasant day-dream reverie, arising upon 
the vision in crossing the path of the tattered mendicant; 
but has become a painful reahty, from which there is no 
escape by passing on. Retrenchment and reform is now 
the domestic economy of the American people ; and be 
assured, sir, the time is not far off when it will be their 
political economy. The time is not far off— for it is 
now ! The people of this country now demand, through 
their representatives, a reduction of the public expenses. 
They call upon that party, and those men, some of whom 
have the full control of the executive branch, and others 
of the legislative branch, to carry out in practice a gen- 
eral system of contraction. They ask it at your hands. 
They say, "We will not revert to the oft-repeated pro- 
mises and solemn pledges with which you made the air 
of 1840 vocal ; nor will we tell you of the professions 
for our own prosperity, which, withorft stint and with- 
out bounds, were lavished upon our credulous ears. 
Let them pass. It is true, the odious sub-treasury times 
were the heydays of thrift, compared with the present 
gloom which oiir 'generous confidence' has given us. 
But of this, no matter. Our own folly has produced 
much of our own distress ; but to the Government we 
look, not to put money in our pockets — not to enact 
laws by which idleness may get rich and labor be de- 
frauded — ^not to lend its aid in the reestablishment of a 
cormorant monopoly, which, like the locusts of Egypt, 
will overshadow the land with its pestilential progeny ; 



120 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

we look to it to contract its power, to reduce its ex- 
penses, and to cleanse its abuses. These are of the 
thousand reforms so loudly promised us ; and 'having 
given jou the power — the full and absolute control of 
the law-making power — we call upon you for action, 
speedy and efficient action. It is no answer to say you 
have fallen out among yourselves ; that in the struggle 
for the mastery of the spoils, the Executive has been 
separated from the Legislature; that, without harmo- 
nious action of both, nothing can be accomplished ; and 
that your President is a traitor, or that your ex-legisla- 
tive leader is a dictator. Of your criminations and re- 
criminations we know nothing. By your joint and 
combined advice and proffers, we drove the late incum- 
bents from power, placing you joint and combined in 
their stead ; and, in your joint, combined, as well as in- 
dividual character, we hold you responsible." This, sir, 
already is the language of the people. How is it met? 
In what have their expectations been realized, and your 
pledges redeemed ? Where has been furnished the evi- 
dence of the so-violently-denounced Florida war corrup- 
tions? Where are the proofs of the Executive mal- 
practices? Where the slightest testimony of a single 
profligate expenditure ? And who are the thieves and 
peculators in high places, whom, so soon after getting 
the reins, you intended to identify ? Give us the record ; 
produce the data. It can not be done. These vile 
charges, like the viler inventors, have sunk into silent 
insignificance. The brains which conceived them, and 
the tongue which gave them utterance — though still fol- 
lowing their wonted avocation of abuse by calumniating 



SPEECH ON THE NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL. 121 

eacli other — have not the hardihood to reiterate, or the 
slightest proof to adduce in substantiation of a single 
slander. That part of Whig promises can not be per- 
formed. Not so as to the retrenchment of expenses. 
There is no impediment to a full compliance in this par- 
ticular. Coming into office with at least forty majority 
in this House, and nine in the other — ^with the Presi- 
dent and heads of the departments — no obstacle present- 
ed itself Why has it not been done ? Why has it not 
been proposed ? You have the power, and there exists 
the necessity. The expenditures are too great ; they are 
far beyond the simplicity compatible with the Eepublic, 
and very far beyond what is compatible with the present 
means of defraying. 

Eetrenchment is the order of the day in private life; 
why should it not be the practice of those who are 
honored with stations in public life ? You have held 
power over a twelvemonth, during which Congress has 
beeil in session nine months; and no retrenchments 
worthy the name proposed or adopted. It is true the 
honorable gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Gihner,) to 
whom much praise is due, early in last session moved a 
committee for some such purpose ; but no measures have 
yet been offered, save what relates to our own franking 
privilege and mileage, which, although commendable 
reforms, are minor, indeed, compared with the over- 
shadowing costs of this Government. I desire good 
faith upon this part of Whig promises. Why are not 
efforts made for a compliance ? The treasuiy is empty 
—the credit of the country prostrate; and yet nothing 
is said of a reduction of outlays. The last Democratic 
6 



122 BIOGEAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

Congress voted you five millions to commence witli ; at 
the extra session you voted an additional twelve mil- 
lions, as a permanent loan ; and at this session another 
five millions — ^making, in all, twenty -two millions in less 
than a year; and yet pennyless and bankrupt, and a 
daily crying give ! give I give ! Why, instead of the 
lamentations of the chairman of the Committee of Ways 
and Means over the lack of funds to replenish our ex- 
hausted treasury, have we not substantial bills of re- 
trenchment and reform, which will lop off the causes of 
our distress ? The people do so. It is not their prac- 
tice, when involved in embarrassments, with burdens 
greater than their income, to borrow, borrow, borrow. 
They retrench — ^that is the first principle of their domes- 
tic economy ; and I mistake them if they will not exact 
similar economy of their public servants. What would 
be thought of that man, in private life, who, a creditless 
debtor, kept up a splendid establishment, without appa- 
rently knowing he could not afford.it? But who would 
pronounce him honest, if sane, if such a one made volun- 
tary bequests of one tenth of his whole income ? You 
have done this ; while an avowed bankrupt — with ex- 
penditures greater than receipts — you gave away the 
proceeds of the public lands, averaging three millions 
annually. This is only the suicidal policy of knaves. 
Surely ^' he whom the gods wish to destroy, tliey first 
make mad." Sir, the expenses of this Government are 
as far beyond what, under a proper system, would be 
necessary, as they are beyond our ability to support. 
This fact was fully established by the twenty-sixth Con- 
gress. That Congress, though repudiated by the people, 



SPEECH ON THE NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL. 123 

who thouglit best to substitute a hard cider Congress, 
was satisfied of this fact. Its acts prove this remark. 
It made great progress in the work of reform, commenc- 
ing in the right way and in the right quarter. It re- 
duced the emoluments of the collectors of our large sea- 
port cities to an amount within the bounds of reason ; 
but yet leaving them far beyond, in my opinion, a suffi- 
cient recompense. The collector of Kew-York, who, 
under the old law, considered himself poorly paid if his 
salary and perquisites netted less than twenty thousand 
dollars, was limited to six. The postmaster at New- 
York, whose yearly income had grown from five to 
over twenty thousand, was reduced and limited to five 
thousand dollars. The district-attorney and marshal 
also came within the pruning-hook. Here was serious 
retrenchment. Hundreds of thousands of dollars an- 
nually were thus brought into the coffers of the nation, 
which had previously been the pay of public officers. 

Thus has the example been given you by the Demo- 
■ cratic Congress which you have so much animadverted 
upon. Why not follow in its footsteps ? "Why not go 
and continue this work ? ISTone can question the policy 
— nay, justice to the tax-payers. It must de done, 
sooner or later, or national degradation will surround 
us. A Democratic Congress commenced it in good faith, 
which its successors promised should be continued and 
perfected. And it was but commenced ! 

Sir, I have taken some trouble to look into the yearly 
cost of carrying on this Government for the last twenty 
years ; and am convinced that, estimating it at present 
at twenty -five millions, there is room for striking off" at 



124 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

least one fifth, leaving it at twenty millions. Indeed, 
Senators, whose long experience in public life and whose 
ability to judge of these matters qualify them thereto, 
have asserted that sixteen or seventeen millions would 
be sufficient. I would take the estimate of twenty mil- 
lions, which my examination assures me will leave every 
department in full vigor. 

To do so, I would propose reductions in the following 
branches of the public service, which a close examina- 
tion of the whole subject has convinced me can be done 
without detriment : 

From the mileage of members of Congress : 
Length of the sessions, one quarter. 
Contingent expenses of Congress. 
Expenses of the Judiciary department. 
Salaries of the President and heads of the depart- 
ments. 
Expense of intercourse with foreign nations. 
Home expense of State department. 
Expense of Treasury department 
Expense of collecting revenue, and light-house 

department. 
Expense of General Land-Ofl&ce. 
Expense of Coining department. 
Expense of the War and connecting offices. 
Expense of the Department of War, including 
a reduction of the military establishment, etc. 
Expense of the Navy, including a general super- 
vision of yards, purchases, abolition of Navy 
Board, etc. 
Expense of Post-Office department, including 
restriction of the franking privilege. 



SPEECH ON THE NAYY APPROPRIATION BILL. 125 

I would thus relieve the treasury of millions, and 
not cripple a sinew of defense, or impair the full effi- 
ciency of a single office. Nor is this all. I would 
bring in several hundreds of thousands of dollars an- 
nually, which would find their way into the pockets of 
the office-holders. I would bring into the treasury all 
fees and emoluments received by the following officers, 
over and above a fair recompense for their services : 

Consuls abroad, 

Deputy postmasters, 

Marshals and attorneys, 

Revenue-collectors, 

Pursers, 

ISTavy-agents, 

Commissary General Purchases, 

Mihtary store-keepers. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, holding these views, can my 
vote be expected for this bill ? I have shown by figures, 
which do not lie, that it is extravagant, unnecessary, and 
far beyond any appropriation for corresponding purposes 
made for the late administration, when there was as 
much necessity. I have shown that not only is the 
sum proposed exorbitantly large, but that the treasury 
is bankrupt, the tax-payers poverty-stricken, and the 
spirit of the people in favor of "retrenchment and 
reform." I have sho^vn the already enormous useless 
expenditures, by pointing directly to them. 

But, sir, let us look a little further. Suppose the 
objections thus far urged were without existence. Let 



126 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

US imagine that tlie treasury is full, and without indebt- 
edness ; tliat the people are prosperous, and willing to 
bear additional burdens ; that extension, expansion, and 
prodigality cbaracterized the age, and there were no 
existing evils of this cha,racter ; would it be consonant 
with proj)riety and correct legislation to pass this bill ? 
I think not. It was not intended by the fathers of the 
Eepublic that upon their plain and unostentatious foun- 
dation should be built a gorgeous and powerful nation. 
They did not establish this political community for con- 
quest or plunder. It was no part of their design that 
posterity should rear, upon the corner-stone laid by their 
hands, a splendid edifice of naval or military glory. 
Their policy was essentially peaceful. Meek and hum- 
ble in spirit, they banded themselves for protection, and 
for protection alone. The Union was a confederacy for 
mutual defense and preservation, and not to form a 
league, the consolidated strength of which could reduce 
nations, impart glory, or make too strong the arm of the 
Executive. Simple and republican themselves, they 
sought to establish a Government thoroughly imbued 
with their own faith — one assuming no power not neces- 
sary, exerting no authority not required, antagonist to 
no principle of popular rights. Would a naval arma- 
ment numberiQg its hundreds of ships and milhons of 
tonnage, emplojdng its thousand commanders, disbursing 
its millions on millions annually, and extending to an 
almost unlimited degree the already overgrown privi- 
leges of the President, who, by virtue of the Constitu- 
tion, is " commander-in-chief of the army and navy of 
the United States," be consistent with simple republic- 



SPEECH ON THE NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL. 127 

anism ? It would not. But pass tkis bill as now before 
us, and the first step is taken ; tlie first stride towards 
consolidation, Executive mastery, and an incubus of 
debt, is taken — irrevocably taken. 

Another objection: Ships, after construction, must be 
supported; ofiicers, men, supplies, and stores, must be 
furnished- The end is not with the cost of building. 
The keel is but laid for a continuous and never-ending 
expenditure. They must be kept afloo.t. If unem- 
ployed, they rot at the depots, and the whole is lost. 
The error once committed of saddling the country, in a 
time of peace and embarrassment, with a large floating 
naval world, you must go on appropriating annually a 
proportionably large amount to keep it sea- worthy and 
from falling to decay. It is a permanent expenditure 
now presented to us. The aggregate of this bill, enor- 
mous as it is, will be less onerous than what will be 
necessary to preserve it from ruin. And when once 
made, there can be no receding. As with State appro- 
priations for internal improvement, you must go on ad 
infinitum^ or all will be lost. 

Again : I find no provision in it, or in the several 
bills for the reorganization of the Navy Department 
reported by the Committee on Naval Affairs, to remedy 
the evils of the present manner of procuring supplies. 
The door for corruption, which long practice, from the 
foundation of the navy to the present moment, has 
opened, has not been closed. I would remedy this 
objection before voting so large an amount. Under 
long-established usage, the navy agents are authorized 
to make open purchases without contract, without agree- 



128 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOly 

ment or supervision. A large portion of tlie material, 
and many heavy articles of stores used at the yards, as 
well as nearly the whole outfits of ships preparatory to 
sailing, are procured in this manner. These ofiicers 
have permission to disburse hundreds of thousands an- 
nually, without check as to prices or quality. They 
buy of whom they please, and at such prices as they 
please. I am not prepared to say that, of my own 
knowledge, there are mal -practices ; but I do say, that if 
none have been, it was not for want of opportunity; 
we may thank the integrity of the officer, and not the 
strictness of the laws. 

Before j^lacing at the disposal of the Secretary the 
millions comprehended in this bill, I would supervise 
the laws regulating purchases. I would not, in these 
days of want and peculation, place in the power of any 
agent the opportunity of profiting ten and twenty per 
cent, by his disbursements. Every article should be 
supplied by contract. It should be the duty of the Sec- 
retary, or of the Board of Kavy Commissioners, or the 
agent, to advertise for estimates in the public prints ; 
thus giving to every citizen an equal opportunity to 
benefit by tliis immense patronage ; and incurring no 
loss to the Government from bad quality, high prices, 
and collusion between the officer and the factor or mer- 
chant. But, Mr. Chairman, there is another considera- 
tion which, though not relating directly to either of the 
points thus far urged, is a subject for serious reflection, 
and is equally applicable to every money-bill presented 
to the House. Is this the proper stage of the session to 
discuss and act upon bills to appropriate money ? Is it 



SPEECH ON THE NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL. 129 

wise policy to make these large bequests at this time, 
within a few weeks of the expiration of the sliding 
scale of the compromise act, without any adequate pro- 
vision to insure revenue ; and, in fact, without a law to 
carry into effect the only existing law which can give 
us a dollar ? The leaders of the Whig party m this 
House (the very men who are urging on these cormorant 
bestowments from an empty treasury) tell us that a high 
tariff is necessary for revenue ; and that, without a new 
law to take the place of the compromise law, and with- 
out a general supervision of the whole subject, there 
will not be revenue enough to meet one half the public 
expenditures. 

We are told that, to keep the wheels of Grovernment 
in motion, it will be necessary to lay additional duties 
upon imports, and to settle upon a permanent basis this 
greatest of all questions. I ask whether, under the 
avowed condition of our collecting laws, it is wisdom to 
pass this, or any bill for similar purposes, before some 
action is taken on the revenue bill ? Can it be the cor- 
rect policy of Congress to go on appropriating, appro- 
priating, appropriating, with empty coffers, an admitted 
want of laws to bring in and secure the usual fiscal 
income, and with a probability of a heavy falling off of 
imports, under any rate of duties? Certainly not. 
Were there no other objections, this alone ought to pre- 
vent action at this stage of the session, or until the other 
and more miportant business is disposed of And is it 
not strange we find here men advocating measures so 
contradictory ; telling us, in one moment, that we must 
pass a high tariff, to preserve the nation from bank- 
6* 



130 BIOGKAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

ruptcj ; and in the next proposing the most extravagant 
outlays? Is it not singular consistency, to usetlie mild- 
est phrase ? If it is true, as alleged by the high-tariff 
party, that it will be impossible to carry on the Govern- 
ment, under the lowest reduction of expenditure, with- 
out a material advance on the present rate of duties, 
why is it that, before action is had on the tariff 
question, so much anxiety is evinced to enlarge our 
appropriations ? Why are the gentlemen in such hot 
haste to make these heavy requisitions upon the pubhc 
coffers ? 

Sir, I think the astute eye of prophecy is not neces- 
sary to divine the reason. I do not believe that any 
but a Talleyrand or a Mettemich can unravel this seem- 
ing secret. In my humble conception of the ruhng 
motives of men, the " why and the wherefore " is to be 
found in the same reason which made them bequeath to 
the States the public domain, without consideration and 
without cause. It was, to drive us by necessity to a 
high tariff, to fill up the vacuum thus made in our finan- 
ces ; to force us, by appeals to national honor to preserve 
the national credit, to go with them in their unhallowed 
designs upon the rights and hberties of the people ; to 
give away our anticipated receipts, that means may be 
taken, through the operation of an increased tariff, to 
favor particular interests at the cost of the tax-payer. 
It is for this we have systematic expansion, instead of 
the systematic contraction the times demand. Besides 
the tendency of Whig principles to inflation, as evidenced 
in every instance where they have obtained the power — 
besides their love for debt and detestation of liquidation 



SPEECH ON THE NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL. 131 

— besides tlieir contempt for every thing locofocoish, as is 
the pay-up system, there are now at work other motives 
and other inducements. The expenses must be in- 
creased, because there must be a deficit between revenue 
and disbursements. Having embarrassed and exhausted 
the finances, it is supposed the people will rise en masse 
in favor of devising a remedy, which they are prepared 
with in a high tariff, and thus accomplish, by a trick, 
that which they dare not ask for as a principle. 

I mistake very much if this i^not the object hidden 
under the bill before us. In fact, the veil of public ne- 
cessity, with which it is sought to hide the scheme, is too 
flimsy to deceive the most unsuspecting. No party 
could drive so recklessly on, after the many protestations 
of reform, without some such intention. 

Mr. Chairman, we are told that an increase of the 
navy is advantageous to commerce, and that every 
member representing a commercial district is expected 
to support this bill. It has been said, by gentlemen who 
have advocated it, that the principal employment of our 
naval marine is to protect the commercial marine. The 
interests of the Kepresentatives from the Atlantic cities 
have been appealed to, to come forward in behalf of 
what they are told is the vitahty of commerce. Sir, I 
am not old, but yet too old to be caught by pretexts so 
weak. Could arguments like these (which, at best, are 
addressed to our interest, the most selfish of all legisla- 
tive influences) affect my vote, I should be incapable of 
performing the trust confided in me. I am yet to learn 
that in any quarter of the globe the American shipping 



132 BIOGRAPHY" OF FERNANDO WOOD 

has suffered for tlie want of Government protection. ISTo 
cases have come to my knowledge where our flag has 
been insulted, or our property destroyed or taken from us, 
because of a restricted navy. There have been isolated 
instances of encroachments, but none that could have 
been obviated had every ship of war been a fleet. 
England and France, with the most extended navies in 
the world, have occasionally met obstacles to their trade. 
But the stars and stripes are a passport upon every sea 
to the hull and spar which bear them. Our bright bun- 
ting floats unmolested over the wide expanse of the 
ocean, for there are none so daring as to do it injury. 
Under its broad folds legitimate trade is secure and re- 
spected. 

And were we liable to frequent losses for the want of 
the proposed increase, I am far from being satisfied that, 
of the two evils — the passage of this bill, and the 
chances of occasional injury without it — ^the latter is not 
the least. Can it be advantageous to the city of New- 
York to adopt a policy which drives us into a, restrictive 
tariff? If by large drafts upon the treasury, the ne- 
cessity of additional duties is forced upon us, commerce 
will undergo a diminution, because your increased duties 
will decrease importations. The foreign trade can not 
thrive if legislative impediments are thrown in the way 
of its free action. It is not reasonable that, where an 
exorbitant toll is demanded for ingress, that ingress 
will not diminish. It is a well-estabhshed axiom, that the 
imposition of higher duties upon imports immediately 
and seriously affects the commercial trade; hence the 



SPEECH ON THE NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL. 133 

• 

rallying-cry of a party not many years since in this 
country, of " free trade and sailors' rights." Therefore, 
admitting that an accession of a ship-of-war is required 
to protect our flag, it would be suicidal to protect it at a 
cost so great : better arm our merchantmen at private 
expense, for self-protection, than lay them up in ordinary, 
without employment. Gentlemen had better use other 
arguments militating less against them. It is not wis- 
dom in Congress to attempt to give protection to any 
branch of trade, when such protection is only to be ob- 
tained by the inflicting of harm. In this instance the 
injury would be twofold ; first, to the interests intended 
to be the recipients of favor ; second, to all other inter- 
ests which are taxed for its support. 

There are other arguments which press themselves 
upon my notice ; but I fear the patience of the Commit- 
tee is already exhausted. I could go on elaborating the 
objections which are continually arising before me, but 
the allotted tune for cutting off the debate, and the many 
other gentlemen who are anxious to be heard, warn me 
not to trespass much further. It is a grave topic, and ad- 
mits of a wide range of discussion. At any time, in any 
condition of the treasury, a bill to appropriate money in- 
volves important considerations. To vote money, is to 
expend the proceeds of taxation; which is to part with 
that portion of the capital or results of industry which 
is bestowed upon the Grovernment for its necessary dis- 
bursements. K the people are interested in the amount 
of taxation levied upon them, to a corresponding extent 
are they interested in its disposition. 

K the amount expended is drawn from the tax-payer, 



134 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

we are but Ms agents to appropriate Lis money for tlie 
maintenance of law and order. It is equally criminal 
to make lavish or impolitic use of it. I conceive that 
we would be as guilty of dereliction of good faith by 
complying with exorbitant behests from the executive 
departments, as if we put our own hands into the trea- 
sury to fill our own pockets. By the Constitution, we 
are more the guardians of popular contributions than of 
the popular liberties. We are made the peculiar con- 
servators of the money-power. It behoves us, there- 
fore, to scan closely all requisitions. Endowed as are 
the members of this House with the high privilege of 
representing the great body of American freemen, it be- 
hoves us, in the plenitude of power, not to forget the 
poor tax-payer at home. 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I beg leave to say that 
it is with regret that an imperative sense of duty has 
compelled me to address the Committee on this subject. 
It is with no little fear my position has been assumed. 
The almost overshadowing popularity of the na.vy, and 
its adaptation for American defense, connected with the 
recollection of the glorious victories which crowned its 
success in the last war, make me feel I have been tread- 
ing on dangerous ground. Had my inclinations alone 
been consulted, my voice would not have been heard ; 
but convictions, matured from deliberate reflection, have 
prompted my tongue, and it has spoken. I regret to be 
thus seemingly placed in opposition to it ; but, at the 
same time, beg to be understood that it is to the unpre- 
cedented increase at this time I object — ^not to the serv- 
ice. I object to this extravagant proposition, believing 



SPEECH ON- THE NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL, l.?:') 

it to be impolitic, unnecessary, anti-republican, and pre- 
mature. I am willing to vote the usual annual sum, 
and will go to the highest of either of Mr. Van Bui'cn's 
years ; but can not give support to the bill as now before 
us, without material reduction. 



CHAPTEK XI. 

CONGRESS — NAVAL REPORT. 

Until the year 1843, tlie subject of Floating Docks 
for the raising and repairing of Government vessels, had 
not been proposed. The old-fashioned stone docks at 
Gosport and Norfolk navy-yards, vt^ere still in fashion. 
So were old fogies, and they did all they could to pre- 
vent improvements — innovations, we believe they called 
them. But Mr. Wood prepared the Report ; Mr. Wise, 
the chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs, pre- 
sented it ; it was approved, and now is presented to the 
intelligent reader. 

REPORT 

ON 

NAVAL AFFAIRS. 
Jantjaey 10, 1848. 

The Committee on Naval Affairs, to which was re- 
ferred a Report of the Secretary of the Navy, with 
accompanying documents, relating to dry and floating 
docks, and the Brooklyn Navy -Yard, called for by a 
resolution of the House of the 19th December, beg leave 
to report : 



NAVAL EEPORT. 137 

That they Have given the subject the consideration 
which its importance demands. Dry-docks attracted the 
attention of the Government at an early period. The 
Navy Department was established in April, 1798, and 
the follo^ving December the Secretary officially expressed 
his strong conviction of their necessity. February 25th, 
1799, a law passed both Houses of Congress, and received 
the sanction of the President, authorizing the construc- 
tion of two docks, and appropriating $50,000 for that 
purpose. December 15, 1802, the President, (Jeffer- 
son,) in his message at the opening of Congress, strenu- 
ously urged the construction of docks, and in March, 
1813, $100,000 was appropriated for a dock-yard for 
repairing ships of war. These appropriations were not 
expended, owing, as is supposed, to the inadequacy of 
the sums voted. In 1814, the Secretary, in a communi- 
cation to the chairman of the Naval Committee of the 
Senate, again urges the building of dry-docks. In 1824, 
the Navy Commissioners made similar recommendations. 
In 1825, the Secretary, in a report to the Senate, enters 
fully into the advantages of dry-docks, showing conclu- 
sively that no navy-yard should be without one, or its 
substitute: and in 1826, in a communication to the 
House of Eepresentatives, he says, "that docks have 
become absolutely necessary for the prompt and speedy 
use of the vessels belonging to the navy." 

Every administration, since the creation of the navy, 
has given its sanction, either by the approval of laws or 
official recommendation, to the erection of docks and 
other necessary facilities for repairs. As yet but two 
dry-docks have been bmlt : the one at Charlestown, the 



188 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

other at Korfolk. Either of these points is eminentlj 
entitled to it. The sites are excellent, and other advan- 
tages great. Previous to the commencement of these 
docks, New- York was considered as the first position to 
be selected. The first survey made of the several points 
upon the Atlantic coast, which offered inducements for 
the establishing of navy and dock-yards, placed that 
harbor among the most favorable. The report of the 
survey, made to the Department in 1818, states that, 
" next to Boston, it is the most suitable place for such 
an establishment, and one worthy of the attention of the 
Government as a naval depot." 

But opinions have varied as to the advantages of dif- 
ferent sites within the waters of the harbor. Since the 
location of the yard, repeated attempts have been made 
to ejffect a change. The Secretary has, more than once 
within the last ten years, contemplated its removal to 
supposed more advantageous positions. To procure a 
better site for a dry-dock, has been among the motives 
given for desiring another situation. In May, 1835, 
Loammi Baldwin, Esq., was appointed by the Secretary 
" to make the necessary soundings and examination, and 
to ascertain whether any more advantageous site for a 
navy-yard and dock presented itself within the harbor of 
New- York." June 8, 1886, the House adopted a resolu- 
tion calling for information, etc. ; in reply to which the 
report of Colonel Baldwin was presented. February 
28, 1887, the subject was again brought before the House 
by a resolution requiring " examinations to be made of 
the various positions not heretofore examined within the 
waters of New- York and vicinity, which are adapted to 



NAVAL REPORT. 139 

the establishment and construction of dry-docks," etc. 
In pursuance of this resolution, Professor Kenwick, of 
Kew-York, was appointed to make the examination. 
His report, made in December, 1837, was against the 
Brooklyn Navy- Yard, and in favor of Constable's Point, 
opposite New- York, on the New-Jersey shore. March, 
1838, the result of an unofficial survey, by Messrs. Swift 
and McNeill, civil engineers, in favor of Barn Island, 
was presented to the House. It gave great preference 
to that over any other site. In the same month, a com- 
munication was laid before Congress from the Navy 
Commissioners, in which the relative merits of Brooklyn, 
Constable's Point, and Barn Island are fully discussed. 
A decided preference is given to Brooklyn. The next 
and latest, and, it may be added, the most satisfactory 
examination, has been recently made at the instance of 
the present Secretary, who appointed Captains Conner 
and Shubrick, and Moncure Eobinson, Esq., as a com- 
mission for that purpose. Much care and labor were be- 
stowed by these gentlemen in the discharge of the duty. 
Their report confirmed what had previously been de- 
clared by Colonel Baldwin, that a more advantageous 
site than tlie present one was not to be found within the 
waters of New- York harbor. Nearly ten years' agitation 
and investigation leave the matter precisely where it 
was found. The original selection was a proper one. It 
does appear that an attentive perusal of the reports which 
have so often been made, would have long since pre- 
cluded the supposition that a change was necessary. It 
is now, however, permanently settled. No further doubt 
need exist as to the permanency of the present position. 



140 BIOGRAPHT OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

It would be little less tlian folly or madness to adopt 
another. That the uncertain disposition of this question 
has operated against the erection of a dock in Brooklyn, 
can not be disputed. 

The citizens of New- York and Brooklyn have fre- 
quently manifested their wishes in favor of some provi- 
sion by the Government for the repair and coppering of 
ships of war. They have held public meetings and 
memorialized Congress, believing there was cause for 
complaint. It has been thought by them as little less 
than miraculous, that a naval station of its importance 
should remain neglected ; that a Government almost 
exclusively mercantile, whose defenses and warfare were 
principally maritime, should have left its commercial 
emporium, for nearly a half-century after the establish- 
ment of its navy, without a work so indispensable. Her 
tradesmen and mechanics have conceived themselves 
deprived of a portion of the public patronage and labor, 
which is due alike to all. The concentration of national 
employment at one or two favored points was looked 
upon as hostile to their interests, and not in keeping 
with the true interests of the country. 

It was deemed a grievance. It may be said these are 
not points for the consideration of the Committee ; that 
the opinion and wishes of the immediate citizens of Kew- 
York and Brooklyn are entitled to no greater weight 
than a corresponding number at any other part of the 
Union ; that the construction of pubhc works is paid for 
out of the national treasury, and for which the whole 
people appropriate, and of the propriety of which the 
whole people are judges. But the people of New- York 



NAVAL REPORT. 141 

aiid Brooklyn, without doubting the soundness of these 
positions in their general application, conceive their case 
an exception. Their reply is, that when any portion of 
tlie people, conscious of great advantages, believe that, 
in the distribution t)f patronage, a discrimination is made 
against them, they have a right to be heard, and it is a 
fit subject for the deliberation of Congress ; that there is 
cause of complaint not only of an individual wrong, but 
a national evil; for a division of public employment 
'' improves and augments our mechanics and artificers; 
gives bread to a portion of the laboring classes ; induces 
the improvement of our cities and navigable waters; 
contributes to a more efficient and general defense of the 
places ; renders our citizens more patriotic and contented 
with their Government, and, by the additional interest 
which it gives them, more willing to defend it." Kor 
must it be forgotten that the navigating and ship-owning 
interests of New-York have a deep stake in the adequacy 
of the naval marine to protect the commercial marine. 
The harbor, filled with shattered and disabled ships of 
war, without means of repair, would offer but slight 
resistance to hostile fieets upon our coast. Innumerable 
cases will suggest themselves, in which serious conse- 
quences may ensue, and the loss of public and private 
property be beyond the expense of many dry-docks. 

As a naval station, New- York has peculiar fitness, 
besides the extent of her commerce. Her harbor is 
spacious and well fortified ; her channels sufficiently deep 
and unobstructed; her position central and command- 
ing ; and her advantages for the supply of materials and 
skillful workmen unsurpassed, if equalled, in any other 



142 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

port. ISTo local obstacle prevents ; and a longer contin- 
uance of tlie absence of some provision for tbe repair of 
ships of war would be as hazardous and detrimental to 
the property of the Government as it is unjust to ber 
commercial interest. 

The largeness of a sum sufficient to build a dry-dock 
there has attracted attention. To vote it at this time has 
elicited opposition. It can not be denied that the ex- 
hausted condition of the treasury presents a serious im- 
pediment. But there are occasions when the outlay of 
money will conduce to the advantage of the Govern- 
ment, even in a pecuniary sense. In any state of the 
treasury, it is wise to erect works necessary to preserve 
existing works. It will not be asserted that it is impol- 
itic, even under our present embarrassments, to vote 
such an expenditure. The present would seem an in- 
stance of this kind. It has been represented that two 
ships of the line, the Washington and Franklin, now 
lying at the Brooklyn station, not movable without 
heavy repairs and expense, will require docking very 
soon, to save them from abandonment. The latter is a 
noble ship, which, by razeeing, could be made one of 
the finest frigates in the service. It would certainly be 
unwise to leave them in their present situation, fast fall- 
ing to decay, without an effort to save them from a total 
loss. It can be done only by docking. The frigate 
Hudson, also lying there, has already been sacrificed. 
A survey was held upon her in November, 1841, and 
she was condemned as unworthy of repairs. The Wash- 
ington and Franklin, if much longer neglected, will most 
assuredly be placed on the same list. 



NAVAL REPORT. 143 

Much interest has recently been shown by the public 
in floating dry-docks. It is contended that, in many 
respects, they possess advantages over the excavated 
docks, besides the difference in cost and comparatively 
very short time required in building ; the latter of these 
considerations is essential, with reference to saving the 
ships in Brooklyn. Fears are entertained that they 
would be lost before the expiration of the six or eight 
years required in building an excavated dock. Many 
gentlemen of intelligence, whose opinions are entitled to 
confident reUance, give the strongest assurance of their 
belief in the utility, safety, and superior advantages of 
floating dry-docks, and have recommended the speedy 
construction of one at Brooklyn to raise and repair the 
Washington and Franklin. 

It can be readily conceived that a proposition to con- 
struct a dock of this kind will be received with alarm 
by those who have not given them careful investigation. 
It will be looked upon by many as an experiment, and 
fi-aught with danger. The idea will present itself, that 
an attempt is to be made to raise from their element our 
ships of war; each weighing thousands of tons, by the 
frail and uncertain aid of a wooden machine^ slightly 
and insecurely constructed. Unsteadiness, instability, 
and want of durability, will at once appear insuperable 
objections. Upon attainment of knowledge of the prin- 
ciples and practical operation of the approved dock, it is 
confidently asserted, all such fears must vanish. As in 
all inventions, when first presented, prejudice is to be 
combated and beaten down before acquiescence in their 
utility or practicability can be obtained — there are men 



144 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

who, thougli intelligent a,nd honest, appear to be op- 
posed to every tiling wMcli did not come upon the stage 
before themselves, to whom innovations are as revolting 
as an attempt to change the Government or revolutionize 
the social system. As applicable to improvements in the 
navy, this hostility has been paramount. Inventions of 
the first merit, promising economy of time and money, 
and the addition to existing usages of warfare of great 
facilities, have frequently been rejected. No branch of 
the public service more requires the application of the 
production of intellect, and in none is such obstinate re- 
sistance manifest. The world is following progress in 
its onward march to the amelioration of the condition 
and advancement of mankind ; the arts and sciences are 
being exerted for the simplification of mysteries wliich 
for centuries have slept in night, and the discoveries of 
philosophy are spreading their beneficent influences over 
every movement of man. The governmental policy of 
the powerful of European nations has been forced into 
an opposite current to that in which it ran for ages ; in- 
ternational law is no longer expounded by the cannon 
and the sword ; the military tactics of Charles XII. and 
of Napoleon, each in their day so formidable and per- 
fect, have been bettered by improvement ; and even the 
every-day utensils of husbandry and mechanical tools for 
the present time would not be recognized by the original 
inventors. Mind, in this myriad of diversified applica- 
tions, has, with superhuman effort, given birth to a new 
world, comparatively regenerated and disinthraUed from 
the bigotry and prejudices of the old world. The navy 
alone has apparently resisted change. She has nearly 



NAVAL REPORT. 145 

stood still amidst the surrounding advancement. The 
vast improvements which commercial enterprise has be- 
stowed upon the merchant marine have been avoided 
and decried by those who have had charge of the naval 
marine. It should not be. The efficiency of the nation's 
right arm deserves the benefits of the genius and skill 
of the world ; not only is it entitled to all meritorious 
improvements of our own country, but to those of any 
other people. 

The present head of the Department has evinced a 
desire to adopt an opposite course. Credit is due to 
liim for a disposition to pui'sue another policy than those 
who doubt the merit of every thing new, and adhere 
tenaciously to every thing old. He evidently desires to 
keep pace with the spirit of the age. Several experi- 
ments have already been made, to the adaptation of 
science to useful ends. The recent discoveries of Pro- 
fessor Johnson in detecting the impurities of copper, 
thus enabling the Government, as well as individuals, to 
detect impositions which, it is reasonable to suppose, 
have cost many millions, are beyond estimate in import- 
ance. Other experiments have been made, which will 
prove highly beneficial to the service. 

Floating dry-docks have been heretofore but imper- 
fectly understood. The generally-received opinion, that 
nothing but an old-fashioned excavated or wallea oi-y- 
dock could safely perform the duty of docking and un- 
docking ships of the larger class, has prevented that 
attention to them to which they are so justly entitled. 
Practical gentlemen have too often taken it for granted 
" that they would not answer," refusing a fair, dispas- 
7 



146 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

sionate, practical test. To tliis spirit, so prevalent in 
our naval service, is chargeable the tenacity with which 
old ideas and old customs are rigidly followed. 

It is not contended that the principle of docking ships 
by means of a floating vessel is entirely new. The gen- 
eral leading feature has been in use many years ; but it 
is believed that there have been recently added to it 
such guards, checks, securities, facilities, and advan- 
tages, as to render it, in every necessary particular, 
capable of docking and undocking the largest vessel of 
war. In some respects, advantages over the excavated 
dock are claimed for it by those who understand the 
principles of each. These advantages will be enumer- 
ated and explained, and it is thought satisfactorily, to 
every casual observer. 

Among the papers from the Secretary, referred to the 
Committee, is the report of a commission appointed in 
October last, to repair to New- York, to examine and wit- 
ness the performance of the floating dry-docks there, and 
investigate such plans as should be submitted. The 
gentlemen composing it were Capt. Beverly Kennon, 
United States Navy, Col. Samuel Humphreys, United 
States chief naval constructor, and Walter K. Johnson, 
Esq., professor of mechanics and natural philosophy. It 
can not be disputed that it would have been difficult, if 
possible, to have formed a court of investigation with 
more capacity and sounder judgment. The scientific 
and practical information necessary to insure safe con- 
clusions was here happily blended. Nothing can be 
hazarded in ^delding to the opinions of this report. The 
required knowledge, and the patient investigation which 



NAVAL REPORT. 147 

is indispensable in procuring a proper understanding of 
a subject so intricate and intimately connected with, and 
depending upon, scientific principles, were laboriously 
bestowed. The report is full and conclusive. Seven 
different plans of floating docks were presented, though 
only two were exhibited in practice, which received 
minute examination, being subjected to the nicest calcu- 
lation. Their comparative advantages and disadvan- 
tages went through the ordeal of severe scrutiny ; and 
though it was thought but one would answer for the 
naval service, the other was pronounced meritorious. 
They were the balance floating dry-dock of Mr. John S. 
Gilbert, and the sectional floating dry-dock of Mr. S. D. 
Dakin. 

The operation of docking and undocking the largest 
class of merchant ships was performed in the presence 
of the commission — a full and detailed account of which 
is given in the report. The comparative advantages 
are fully shown. A preference is given to the balance- 
dock, in the most decided language. Insuperable objec- 
tions against the other are enumerated, one of which 
(namely, that much greater depth of water than can be 
found at the Brooklyn yard will be required for its ac- 
tion) is enough to put it out of the question, as far as 
that station is concerned. The balance-dock is free from 
this difficulty, owing to its construction upon an entirely 
different principle. In it, the ship intended to be docked 
is admitted, as in an excavated dock, between the sides ; 
whereas with the former, the whole dock must rest 
under the ship, and consequently, drawing not only 
the draught of the vessel, but also of the dock. As, for 



148 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

instance, if a ship draws twenty-five feet water, and 
tlie dock twenty feet, it will require forty-five feet water 
to dock her in. The assertion that floating dry-docks 
have advantages over the excavated dry-dock is fully 
made out by the balance-dock. 

The objections to excavated docks are : 

1. Want of light and room. They are constructed 
extremely narrow, having but spa.ce enough for the 
vessel. The narrow construction arises from the neces- 
sity of lessening the pressure of water on the gates and 
under side of the bottom, which being computed by the 
area of the bottom, will be found immense. This pres- 
sure of water is frequently the cause of accident, and 
always of unpleasant consequences. Commodore Stew- 
art, in a communication made to Mr. Paynter, member 
of the Naval Committee in 1838, writes that, '' owing 
to this constant pressure of water upon the gates, they 
are always leaking, and the water springing into the 
dock, and the bottom is kept overflowed and wet, which 
requires almost constant pumping for the purpose of 
draining it off." It is to obviate this difficulty, by less- 
ening the pressure, that they are built as narrow as the 
admission of the vessel will allow. Hence it is that not 
sufficient light is thrown upon the hull. In clouded 
days, artificial light must be introduced, to enable the 
workmen to perform their work. It follows, that the 
quantity as well as the quality of the work is not as it 
would be if done under the bright rays of the sun, or 
if not restricted from the usual Hght by high waUs. A 
diminution in quantity and deterioration in quahty must 
ensue. It may well be a question whether the enor- 



NAVAL REPORT. 149 

mous expense attending tlie repairing of vessels of war 
lias not, in part, been contributed to by tliis want of 
light in dry-docks. It is well ascertained that, with 
artificial light, the caulking of seams and coppering 
can not be as well performed as with the natural light 
of day. 

Another evil, arising from the same cause, is the dif- 
ficulty in getting long pieces of timber into the dock, 
and preparing them for being placed upon the keel or 
bottom. 

The balance floating-dock is without these objections. 
There is no necessity for narrow construction or high 
sides. The pressure of water is upon all its parts. To 
give room to workmen, it is raade double the width 
and much longer than the largest ship to be inclosed 
in it — ^thus at once securing light, room, air, and effect- 
ive power. 

2. The health of the workmen. The extreme damp- 
ness of an excavated dock is detrimental and sometimes 
fatal to those engaged in them. The mechanics are 
crowded together eleven hours daily, in wet and cold, 
and a humid atmosphere. Diseases of a peculiar and 
serious character are frequently the result. Floating 
dry-docks are without this evil. In them the labor is 
performed on a dry floor, with good light, and suf&cient 
ventilation. 

3. The labor in docking a vessel upon the excavated 
dock is increased as the size and weight of the vessel 
docked is decreased. Greater power is necessary to dock 
the smallest sloop of war than the largest ship of the 
line; which is not the case with the balance-dock. 



150 BIOGBAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

With the latter, the reverse is the fact. The smaller 
the vessel, the less the required labor and power, and 
vice versa. 

4. There is less safety in the excavated docks. 
The gates, being of wood, are liable to decay, and to be 
forced open by the pressure against them, which is 
increased by the necessity of constructing them high, to 
keep out extraordinary tides. The alternate exposure 
to wet and dry increases the chances of accident, by de- 
creasing the strength of the wood of which they are 
made. In 1838, the gates of a dock in France gave 
way, thereby drowning and kilUng fifteen persons. 
Similar accidents, destroying, in one instance, eighty 
persons, are said to have occurred in England. 

The balance-dock is without this objection. As has 
been seen, there is no extraordinary pressure upon any 
part, and what there may be is equal upon all its parts. 
The strain which, in the excavated dock, is brought to 
bear upon the gates, is borne by it upon the sides 3,nd 
ends, thus operating as a preventive to accidents, and 
not inviting them. 

5. The time required to build. It is estimated that 
from six to eight years will be required to build an ex- 
cavated dock, and but as many months for a balance- 
dock. Upon this point, the report of the commission 
properly remarks : "If the Government were at war, 
and had, in the harbor of New- York, several disabled 
vessels which could not make their way to Norfolk or 
Charlestown, and the question was the most speedy 
method of getting docked, it would doubtless render 
this consideration important, independent of the loss of 



NAVAL REPORT. 151 

interest or cost between tlie commencement or completion 
of a walled (excavated) dock." 

6. It is stationary. The balance-dock could be re- 
moved from one position to another, whenever conveni- 
ence or safety required- The advantage of this quality 
is too obvious to need comment 

7. Difference in original cost. The estimates for an 
excavated dock (at Brooklyn) are from $900,000 to 
$1,800,000. 

Mr. Gilbert, the inventor and constructor of the bal- 
ance-dock, offers to contract with the Government to 
build a dock on the plan, 240 feet long, 85 feet wide, 
and 33 feet high, (large enough and with power enough 
to raise the ship-of-the-line Pennsylvania,) for $250,000 ; 
if built inside of an iron tank, as high as the load line, 
$260,000 ; and if all of iron, or such parts as would be 
necessary, but little variation from that sum. Of course 
the price would vary according to the size and material 
of which it was built. Take $1,100,000 (a medium 
sum between the estimates for an excavated dock) as 
about the cost, and it will be seen that there will be 
$850,000 difference in cost of building. The interest 
on the cost of the excavated dock would be $66,000 
per annum, when calculated at 6 per cent., and would, 
in four years, amount to $264,000 — a greater sum than 
is required to construct a balance-dock. Thus it is seen 
one of them could be built every four years for the 
interest of the cost of the excavated dock. It would 
not take many years to place a dock at every southern 
port, where they are so much wanted, by the appropria- 
tion of merely the interest of constructing one dry-dock 



152 BIOGKAPHY OF FEKNANDO WOOD. 

on the old plan. Another consideration, too important 
to be overlooked, is, that there would be much greater 
distribution and quantity of labor given to mechanics. 

These are the prominent advantages of the balance- 
dock over the excavated dock. In several material 
points, they are worthy of further discussion and ampli- 
fication than can be given in this report. 

We will now proceed to notice the common supposed 
objections to floating dry-docks. 

1. They are constructed of perishable materials, and 
are subject to decay and accident. 

K built in a galvanized wrought-iron tank, as pro- 
posed by the commission, this objection and its conse- 
quences are at once dissipated. Its durability would be 
secured ; nor would it require repair — ^having, in that 
particular, an advantage over the excavated dock. The 
gates of the latter being of necessity built of wood, and, 
as has been stated, alternately exposed to wet and dry, 
their liability to decay is increased. Frequent examina- 
nations are required ; and, when repaired, it is in some 
cases necessary to build a cofiPer-dam, at a heavy expense. 
Ko accident to the hull of the balance-dock can affect 
its stability, or its retention of upright position — ^the 
space between the outer and inner walls being divided 
into small cells. K it were possible to perforate it, the 
water would flow over the whole platform, thereby pre- 
serving a perfect level. 

2. A vessel of the first class would be unsafe if for 
any length of time in a floating dock. 

The fact that the floating dry-docks of New- York 
have sustained the largest merchant ships as long as it 



NAVAL KEPORT. 153 

could be probable would ever be required in the navy, 
is a sufficient reply to this objection. No accident from 
this cause, nor, indeed, any other, has happened. It is 
no reply to say that the danger is increased with the 
size of the vessel docked. A floating dock which will 
lift and sustain one thousand tons will lift and sustain 
four thousand tons, provided it is constructed large 
enough to admit the vessel, and all its parts are increased 
in strength in proportion to its increase of size. Its 
width is always nearly double that of the largest ship 
intended to be docked ; consequently, the effective pow- 
er and strength is superior to that which is required to 
safely sustain any ship which it is spacious enough to 
hold. If made of iron, aU doubts upon this point must 
certainly vanish. 

In reply to a letter addressed to Professor Johnson, 
since the report of the commissioners, asking whether, 
in his opinion, the naked hull of a ship-of-the-line (hav- 
ing reference to those now at New- York) could be safely 
lifted and sustained in a floating dock, he says : "In 
reply to the specific question which you propound, I 
would say that, if built in a substantial and workman- 
like manner, I see no reason to doubt that a dock on 
that (Gilbert's) plan could safely lift and sustain the 
naked hull of a ship-of-the-line." He evidently alludes 
to a wooden dock. If built of iron, there could be but 
little, if any, difference between it and the excavated 
dock, as to accident and strength. 

3. The unsteady position and chances of straining or 
hogging the ship whilst in dock. 

This objection, however true of floating dry-docks 



154 BIOGKAPHT OF FEKNANDO WOOD. 

generally, can not lie against the balance dry-dock. It 
is guarded against fully. There is a perfect adaptation 
of the line of keel -blocks to the line of the keel of the 
vessel, which gives it an unyielding and firm support. 
It has a counterpoise to the weight of the ship, which is 
distributed over the whole platform. 

The large area of water covered by the length, width, 
and weight of the dock keep the whole in an immov- 
able position. The one now in the Hudson river, at 
ISTesY-York, lying in the most exposed part of the har- 
bor, where severe north-western winds prevail three 
months in the year, has never met with hindrance or 
accident to either dock or vessel. 

K the advantages claimed for the balance dry-dock 
rested upon no other basis than theory, or its operation 
by a model, it would be temerity to recommend one for 
the Government. The value of a vessel of war, or, in- 
deed, the cost of the dock, would be too great to intrust 
to the hazard of an experiment. However urgent may 
be the necessity. New- York had better remain without a 
dock than to adopt one which, if failing, loss of property 
so great would ensue. It could not aid the cause of 
progress and improvement to adopt any plan of dock as 
a substitute, or even auxiliary to a dry-dock, which 
would not entirely answer the purpose. An experi- 
ment is not made in constructing a balance-dock. It is 
already in successful operation at New- York for 1500 
tons, and at Amsterdam for 4000 tons. 

The Dutch East-India Company paid 12,000 guilders 
for simply the model and drawings from which (so 
simple are its principles) it was constructed. At the 



NAVAL REPORT. 155 

latest intelligence, tliis dock was elBicientlj performing 
its duty, and no accident had occurred. Its lifting 
power, being 4000 tons, is nearly 1000 greater than 
the ship-of-the-line Pennsylvania, and more than the 
Secretary tells us will be required, owing to the inten- 
tion of the Department to dismantle before docking. 

The Austrian Government has also made application 
to Mr. Gilbert. Baron Ghega, chief engineer of Aus- 
tria, in behalf of his Government, after examining all 
the means in use in raising vessels in Europe and Ame- 
rica, gave the preference to this plan, and made ofi6.cial 
report to that effect. 

After mature deliberation, and a review of the many 
considerations to be weighed in arriving at correct con- 
clusions, the Committee recommend that the existing 
appropriation of one hundred thousand dollars, voted at 
last session towards the buildmg at Brooklyn of a dry- 
dock or floating dock, according to the discretion of the 
Secretary, be applied to the construction of a balance 
floating dry-dock, and report a joint resolution to that 
effect. 



CHAPTER XII. 

ELECTION OF MAYOR WOOD — DIFFICULTIES IN THE "WAY OF GOVERNMENT — 
DISPOSITIONS OP THE NE"W MAYOR — COMPLAINT-BOOK. 

Of New-York, and of tlie difficulties it presents in the 
way of -government, we have said nearly all we have to 
say, in our initial chapter. It was an odd, wild metro- 
polis, wherein if we had not two or three murders or a 
spicy riot or two with our matutinal tea or coffee, we were 
disappointed. We lunched upon improprieties ; we dis- 
sipated upon frightful bills of mortality; rollicked in 
muddy streets ; and looked upon our rulers chiefly as 
divinely-appointed guides to Schuylerism and other 
modern accomplishments. 

The citizens were disheartened, or had grown callous, 
and so careless. There was a sort of blind confidence in 
a protecting fate, on the part of some ; while the more 
energetic talked in a revolutionary manner about re- 
obtaining a good government. The press was filled with 
complaints of official corruption, useless expenditure of 
pubhc money, over-taxation, and improper contracting. 
The streets were filthy to an abominable degree, and 
the health of the city exceedingly endangered ; paupers 
in myriads were emptied from polluted ships upon our 



ELECTION OF MAYOR WOOD. 157 

shores, to become the prey of the emigrant-runiiers, or a 
burden upon the charities of the city. 

Such was our condition in the month of November, 
1854, when the election for the Municipal Government 
of New- York was held. The Democratic party was at 
variance with itself; the secret Know-Nothing organiza- 
tion was fresh and powerful ; the Whigs, though not 
numerous, were resolved to be Whig, and a new Reform 
party had been estabhshed. So there were four parties 
in the field, the Whigs nommating Mr. J. J. Herrick as 
their candidate for the Mayoralty; the Reform party 
nominating Mr. Wilson J. Hunt ; the Know-Nothings, 
Mr. J. W. Barker ; and both sections of the Democratic 
party uniting on Fernando Wood. 

Against three candidates, then, and with disaffection 
in his own party, Mr. Wood, after a violent struggle, 
was elected to the chief magistracy of the city of New- 
York. Many citizens abstained entirely from giving 
any vote for Mayor, for the number of gubernatorial 
votes cast was 60,367, while for Mayor but 59,643 were 
given. Of these, Herrick received 5696 votes ; Hunt, 
15,397 ; Barker, 18,547 ; Wood, 20,003 : total, 59,643: 
making the majority of the victor over his chief opponent 
1456, and securing his election. 

On the first of January, 1855, at noonday, he was 
solemnly inaugurated, taking the oath of of&ce, and 
entering instantly upon the execution of the duties of 
that office. 

There were immense difficulties in his way. Parts of six 
different city charters had created no less than nin^ exe- 
cutive departments, each claiming sovereign authority 



158 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

and independence. What power the Mayor possessed 
was hidden by long neglect, or want of definiteness, or 
sluggishness of former incumbents, till it appeared to be 
non-existent altogether. 

But a resolute, energetic, untiring, persistent, strong- 
willed man had been called to the head of affairs. He 
supposed himself elected to do something, and resolutely 
set to work to find out what that something was, and 
then to do it. His idea of a government was the simple 
one — a power which governs. He intended to discover 
whether he had any such power. K he had, he meant 
to use it to the fullest and most absolute extent which 
the interests of the people and the welfare of the city 
required. 

To judge of the immense difficulties, almost incon- 
ceivable, in the way of ruling this huge town of ours, 
the first two messages — the inaugural, and the message 
of January 11 — must be carefully read. The latter sets 
forth, in the most distinct and masterly manner, the 
obstacles to be overcome, the needs existing ; and both 
exhibit the quiet, immovable determination of a strong 
man to crush or surmount those obstacles, to satisfy 
those necessities of the people. 

He does not hide his knowledge of the difficulty, nor 
yet his will to conquer it. In his inaugural, he says to 
the Common Council : 

The present is not an auspicious time to commence a 
new administration ; it is beyond the ability of any man, 
exercisiQg the duties of this office under the city charter, 
to give this people that government which appears to be 



FIRST MESSAGE TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 159 

SO generally expected, and wliich is certainly so mnch 
required. 

However we may differ as to tlie cause, tliere can be no 
doubt of a pervading dissatisfaction with the municipal 
affairs of this city. That this feeling exists, and that there 
are sufficient grounds for it, all must admit ; whether it 
arises from defects in the fundamental laws, or from im- 
proper local legislation, or from mal-administration upon 
the part of those intrusted with the executive duties, are 
questions upon which there is diversity of opinion ; in 
my judgment, all of these are the causes. 

The amended charter of 1830 was preferable to the 
prQsent system. Admitting that it required modification, 
the subsequent amendments have but increased the diffi- 
culties. 

The allegation that it was inadequate to the increased 
size and wants of the city, was, in my opinion, entirely 
without foundation. 

The Constitution of the United States is as applicable 
to the present greatness of the Eepublic as it was to the 
Federal Union at the time of its adoption. Had amend- 
ments been made to it at the instance of every party or 
statesman who deemed it insufficient, we should have 
fallen to the same condition as a nation that this city has 
as a corporation. 

The mistake in disturbing the charter of 1830 was not 
only in the alteration effected, but also in the introduc- 
tion of an uneasy spirit in the people, who, by the con- 
tinual application to State legislation, have been taught 
to look to foreign remedies for domestic abuses. 

Thus have we transferred to Albany much that could 



160 BIOGEAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

have been better cared for among ourselves ; forgetting 
the old republican maxim, that no power should be 
delegated which can be exercised bj the people them- 
selves. This principle should never be forgotten. It 
was faithfully adhered to by the framers of the national 
Constitution. In all countries and in all ages, the utmost 
caution has been observed in granting to representatives 
the right of even ordinary legislation. 

We should not present the first instance in which a 
people voluntarily surrenders the power to form the or- 
ganic laws — yielding that highest of all prerogatives to 
men who owe us no responsibility, are not chosen by 
our suffrages, who are foreign to our interests, do not 
understand our wants, and who, consequently, are liable 
to become the tools of designing men, having selfish or 
corrupt objects of their own to obtain. 

Amendments to the charter of 1830 have, one after 
another, been adopted at Albany, until now we are ad- 
ministering the government by portions of six different 
charters, which create nine executive departments^ having 
undefined^ douhtful, and conflicting powers, with heads 
elected by the people, each assuming to he sovereign^ and 
independent of the others, of the Mayor, or of any other 
authority ; and beyond the reach of any, except that of 
impeachment by the Common Council, which never has 
been, and probably never will be, exercised. 

This irresponsibility has been productive of careless- 
ness in expenditure, and neghgence in the execution of 
the ordinances. 

Thus, in the attempts to remedy defects by foreign 
aid, which could have been accomplished at home, we 



FIRST MESSAGE TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 161 

have fastened upon ourselves a complicated, many- 
headed, ill-shaped and uncontrollable monster, which 
has not, in mj opinion, developed its worst character- 
istics. 

So far as my duties are defined, I feel some embarrass- 
ment. Even coordinate powers with the several execu- 
tive departments are denied to me in some quarters ; 
and the fact that my predecessors, under the new char- 
ters, have not attempted their exercise, is relied upon as 
sustaining this position. 

Without desiring to question the wisdom of those who 
have preceded me in this office, I must be permitted to 
construe my ]oowers and duties as I understand them. 
Eestricted as the prerogatives of the Mayor have been 
by almost every legislative act appertaining to the gov- 
ernment of this city, for several years, still there is suffi- 
cient left to instill more energy into the administration 
than now exists, and to hold at least a supervisory check 
over the whole city government. 

It is true, that though ostensibly head of the Police 
Department, he is not so practically, in the essential ele- 
ment of authority — that of controlling the retention or 
removal of his own subordinates. The Chief of Police 
holds his place independent of the Mayor, that officer 
having been appointed during " good behavior," by the 
late Mayor and Board of Commissioners, under the law 
of 1853, which they construed to give that authority. 
He can not, solus^ appoint or remove the humblest sub- 
ordinate in the service, nor make the rules and regula- 
tions for its governance. Of these requisites of power, 
so necessary to make an efficient police corps, he is by 



162 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

law deprived. Discipline can only be obtained and 
maintained by the firm band of unrestricted power ; 
besides, it is wrong in principle to make any public 
officer responsible for the acts of subordinates who are 
placed beyond his individual power to remove. 

These are some of the evils arising from the frequent 
application to State legislation for this city. Instead of 
a simple form of government, easily understood, the 
power of its officers so well defined that there could be 
no conflict or misunderstanding, we have one full of the 
objections referred to. 

It is not my purpose, at this time, to indicate a sub- 
stitute, though I can not omit to add my belief, that the 
most perfect form of government was that adopted by 
the framers of the Federal Constitution. Its clear and 
simple provisions are equally applicable to municipal 
corporations, or to a nation of a hundred millions. The 
Mayor should be to the city what the President is to the 
General Government. There should be corresponding 
executive departments, with heads selected by the Mayor, 
(subject to the confirmation of the Board of Aldermen,) 
who should have entire control, and be, himself, respon- 
sible to the people. The Mayor and heads of depart- 
ments should meet in council, and have a general uni- 
formity of action and cooperation with each other, in 
carrying out the laws, and preserving the general inter- 
ests of the city. Over the whole should govern the 
Chief Magistrate ; he should have the one-man power, 
which history teaches is the least dangerous, and tSe" 
most positive for good. 

Certainly we have suffered more from legislative as- 



/ 



FIKST MESSAGE TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 163 

sumptions, or misconduct of subordinates in authority, 
than from the tyranny or corruption of a chief ruler. 

Precedent shows there is safety in the latter, not only 
in the exercise of authority for the public weal, but as a 
barrier against the wrong doings of the former. The 
stronger the head the more healthy the body ; but if 
strength is taken away by diverting it to a multitude of 
heads, the whole becomes enervated, and unable to dis- 
charge its functions. 

Concentration, with ample power, insures efficiency, 
because it creates one high responsible authority. De- 
centralization is subversive of all good executive govern- 
ment. 

This want of concentration has been the prime cause 
of the immense load of taxation which we now bear. 
To compare the relative taxation per individual, under 
the charter of 1830, and that now existing, will prove 
is assertion. 

In 1843, the amount raised by tax for the support of 
the city government, was one million seven hundred and 
forty-seven thousand ^ve hundred and sixteen dollars 
and fifty -nine cents ; whereas, in 1853, it was five mil- 
lions sixty-seven thousand two hundred and seventy- 
five dollars and sixty-nine cents ; and this year it is nearly 
six millions; a startling increase. Need you be told 
that this addition of two hundred and fifty per centum, 
is the result of either corru ption or wastefu lextrava- 
^ance, the natural consequence of irresponsibility ? I 

And here let me diverge to remark that to tolerate^ 
profligate outlays of the public money, whilst nearly ^ 
one tenth of our whole population are in want of the 



164: BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

necessaries of life, is as shocking to liiimanity as it is in- 
j iistice to a large and valuable class of our suffering fel- 
low citizens. 

Surely we are admonislied tliat if tliis rate of taxation 
be continued, more of it should be devoted to the relief 
of tlie poor, whose industry bears jnost of its burdens, 
and who are now ringing into our ears their cries of dis- 
tress. Labor was never so depressed as now. Employ- 
ment is almost entirely cut off, and if procured, its 
remuneration is totally inadequate, owing to the high 
price of articles of subsistence. The prices of labor and 
of food bear no relative equality. 

In ordinary times of general prosperity capital pos- 
sesses advantages over labor. 

Capital can always protect itself, and it is only at 
periods of inflation, when capital is directed to specula- 
tion in the products of labor, that the operative is appre- 
ciated, and his industry rewarded by competent compen- 
sation. 

But now, when capital either timidly retreats, through 
fear, to the bank- vaults, or is diverted to the oppression, 
for gain, of those who employ labor, his condition is sad 
enough. Does it not behove us, not only individually, 
but in our corporate capacity, to throw ourselves boldly 
forward to his relief? 

This is the time to remember the poor ! 

Do we not owe industry every thing ? It is its pro- 
ducts that has built up this great city. 

Do not let us be ungrateful as well as inhuman. Do 
not let it be said that labor, which produces every thing, 
gets nothing, and dies of hunger in our midst, whilst 



\ 



FIRST MESSAGE TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 165 

capital, winch produces nothing, gets every thing, and 
pampers in luxury and plenty. 

It is our duty to take and administer this government 
under the charters and laws as we find them, until a 
change is effected for the better. Valuable improve- 
ments can now be made, notwithstanding these objec- 
tions to the system. All the evils of which the people 
complain are not chargeable to wrong legislation. If 
the Common Council will be more cautious in the pas- 
sage of ordinances, especially those involving disburse- 
ments of money, holding fast to the purse-strings as 
against the harpies, who for many years have hovered 
around its chambers, and if the executive bureaux will 
cooperate with me in the rigid enforcement of the laws, 
and particularly in restraining expense, and exacting a 
faithful performance of every contract, we may do much 
towards removing the present discontent. 

Most assuredly the people pay enough for the better 
administration of their public affairs ; and it has never 
appeared to me that they were unreasonable in their re- 
quirements. 

They ask public' order ; the suppression of crime and 
vice ; clean streets ; the removal of nuisances and aboli- 
tion of abuses ; a restriction of taxation to the absolute 
wants of an economically administered government, and 
a prompt execution of the laws and ordinances. Let us 
endeavor to meet their expectations. 

For myself, I desire to announce here, upon the 
threshold, that, as I understand and comprehend my 
duties and prerogatives, they leave me no alternative, 
without dishonor, but to assume a general control over 



166 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

the whole City Government, so far as protecting its mu- 
nicipal interests may demand it. I shall not hesitate to 
exercise even doubtful powers, when the honor or the 
interests of the public is abused. 

The pubhc good will be sufficient warrant to insure 
my action. Under this law I shall proceed, not doubt- 
ing your concurrence and the support of the people, for 
whom the responsibihty is assumed. 

[And in the next remarkably clear document he ex- 
hibits the real condition of that Augean stable which 
he has been expected to purify.] 

The several annual reports from the executive de- 
partments have been several days before you, and no 
doubt thoroughly examined. In taking a survey of 
the affairs of the city, the first object to present, is the 
condition of the finances. A statement with reference 
to it is herewith furnished. 

Permanent city debt, redeemable from the Sinking- 
Fund, January 1st, 1855 : 

5 per cent Water stock, redeemable, 1858 $3,000,000 

5 " " " 1860 2,500,000 

5 " " " 1870 3,000,000 

5 " " " 1875 255,600 

5 " " '' 1880 2,147.000 

5 & 6 " Croton Water Stock, " 1890 1,000,000 

7 " Water Loan, « 1857 990,488 

5 " Public Building St'k, " 1856 515,000 

5 " Building Loan Stodf, 

No. 3, « 1870 75,000 

^ " Do- " 4, '' 1873 75,000 

5 " Fire Indemnity St'k, " 1868 402,768 

Amount carried forward $13,960,856 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 167 

Amount IrougJtt forward $13,960,856 

Corporation stock and bonds held by the Commission- 
ers of the Sinking-Fund, on account of redemption 

of the city debt H252,289 

Additional assets (bonds and mortgages) held 

by the Commissioners on said account.. . 911,886 
Balance in bank, Jan. 1, 1855 11,240 5,181,415 

Actual amt. of permanent debt, Jan. 1, 1855, say $8,779,441 

•which is a reduction, as compared with the amount of 

debt, January 2, 1854, of $460,246. 
Funded debt redeemable from taxation, and payable 
(with the exception of Public Education Stock) in 
annual installments of $50,000, January 1, 1855. 
6 per cent Building Loan Stock, No. 2, redeemable in 

1855andl856 $100,000 

5 « Public Building Stock, No. 3, redeemable in 

1857andl864 400,000 

5 « Stock for Docks and Slips, redeemable in 

1867andl876 500,000 

5 " Public Education Stock, redeemable in 1873 154,000 

Total amount of funded debt, Jan. 1, 1855 $1,154,000 

wMch is an increase, as compared with the amount of 
debt January 2, 1854, of $204,000. 

The revenues of the Sinking-Fund, for the payment 
of interest on the city debt, are fully adequate for the 
payment of interest on the above stocks. The balance 
to this account, January 1, 1855, being $60,000, invested 
temporarily in revenue bonds of the city corporation, 
and cash in bank $317,106.11, thus rendering it unne- 
cessary to raise any amount for "interest on city debts" 
by taxation. 

In connection with this statement another is present- 



168 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

ed, of the amounts which have been raised, by taxation, 
from 1844 to 1854, inclusive : 

1844 ^1,988,818 56 

1845 2,096,191 18 

1846 2,520,146 71 

1847 2,581,776 30 

1848 2,715,510 25 

1849 3,005,762 52 

1850 '. .. 3,230,085 02 

1851 2,924,455 94 

1852 3,380,511 05 

1853 5,067,275 69 

1854 4,845,386 Ol 

And to be raised in 

1855 5,918,593 25 

By this it will appear that the expenditures have gra- 
dually and stea,dily increased, though it is well known 
that the character of our G-overnment has deteriorated. 

The people of this city can not realize that the actual 
cost of conducting their municipal affairs amounts to the 
sum annually expended. They do not believe that all 
of the money appropriated is devoted to public wants. 
In my opinion an examination of the subject, and close 
scrutiny of the various items composing the accounts of 
the disbursing officers, will show that it is the undue, 
unnecessary, extraordinary outlays, without sufficient 
equivalent, that have swollen our taxes to their present 
enormous amount. 

It behoves us, as guardians of the pubHc interests, to 
look to the subject. If it is longer permitted, we ai-e 
particeps criminis, whether the money is spent under our 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 1\J9 

own eyes or not. Besides greater caution in appropria- 
tions, we are called upon to exercise more vigilance 
over, and demand severer accountability from, those who 
spend the money. The smallest items of expenditures 
should be guarded as sacredly as if amounting to hun- 
dreds of thousands. The principle which will permit a 
disbursing officer to divert the value of one dollar, in money 
or property^ to his own or his friend's purpose, will, in 
time, render him a defoulter or a peculator. 

The treasury can be relieved in many ways ; several 
present sources of expenditure can be abolished entirely, 
and large sums be brought into the treasury, which now 
go to the pockets of individuals. 

THE STREETS. 

The street openings and subsequent heavy outlays for 
that purpose in regulating, grading, paving, sewering, 
repairing, etc., are one of the heaviest burdens we bear. 
It is no answer to reply that much of it is returned to 
the treasury by assessments upon the property benefited ; 
it is of little importance to the party who pays, whether 
the money is procured from him, under pretext of add- 
ing to the value of his real estate, or whether under the 
plea of supporting the Government. 

We have no right to make distinction It is our duty 
to protect the private property of the people, as well as 
their public treasury. As now conducted, the public 
business appertaining to streets, is under the direction of 
six of the departments^ besides several outside commission- 
ers, inspectors^ surveyors^ appraisers, and other temporary 
S 



170 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

selected agents. The law officer superintends the selection 
of Commissioners of Estimates and Assessments to open, 
examines titles to property affected, and counsels the 
legal j^roceedings, necessary in opening, widening, and 
altering streets. 

The Street Department advertises for proposals to 
open, makes contracts therefor, and through its bureaux 
makes and collects assessments ; it also has charge of the 
opening, regulating and paving. The Croton Aqueduct 
Department attends to the sewerage, and laying Croton 
water pipes. 

The Eepairs and Supplies has control of repairing, 
re-laying pavements, curb and gutter, etc. 

The Streets and Lamps places lamp-posts, and super- 
intends the lighting and cleaning. 

The City Inspector's Department attends to the remov- 
ing of nuisances, carrying off dead horses, and other 
animals, and has general charge of every thing relating to 
the streets, which affect their sanitary condition. Each 
has numerous subordinates with light duties, but large 
compensation. Commissioners are appointed for each 
job, even to " declare^'' a street opened, but for one block, 
and though it may remain closed for a quarter of a cen- 
iTiry afterwards. Many of these persons, really and iu 
fact, in person perform no actual duties, and are com- 
pensated in proportion to the delays produced, and 
money expended. These places are often given as the 
reward for other than official service, which is not of 
much value to the city ; some of this class may be called 
" professional street-openers," whose time is devoted to 
the procuration of jobs of this kind, and by getting reso- 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 171 

lutions tlirougli tlie Common Council to " open " wlien 
there is no necessity for it ; they are strong in partisan 
influence. 

The law which gives to a majority of the property 
holders to be affected by an improvement when imne- 
cessary, the power to prevent, is inoperative before them ; 
several instances have been recently brought to my at- 
tention, in which their influence over the Common 
Council has suppressed the voice of two thirds of the 
parties in interest who had remonstrated against their 
further proceedings. If pressed, they obtain delay in 
the Common Council, until all they can make out of the 
job is procured, when they magnanimously withdraw 
their opposition, and the city must foot the bill, and their 
" estimate and assessments" amount to nothing. Some 
of these persons have several streets on hand at the 
same time, and make large sums of money. It is but 
proper to add, that sometimes there are commissioners 
who are not comprehended within this description of 
them as a class. 

Another class more useless, though not so expensive, 
is the inspectors appointed to superintend the grading, 
regulating and cleaning of streets, building of sewers, 
docks, piers, etc. Some of these people seldom see the 
work for which they are appointed inspector, and if 
they do, they know nothing of it, or do not wish to 
know, provided the contractor is a clever fdbiu, and does 
" what is right." 

These departments frequently come in conflict with 
each other ; it sometimes happens that they are nearly 
all engaged at the same time, upon some part of the 



172 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

same street. It often occurs, that soon after the paving is 
completed, it is taken up to lay down a sewer, Croton 
water or gas pipes. Eacli department being independ- 
ent and sometimes inimical to the other, no concert exists, 
but every one, upon its own notions, proceeds to do what 
it deems best, without thinking or caring of expense or 
public convenience. 

It is no exaggeration to say, that sometimes twenty 
officials, belonging to different departments, are engaged 
in doing, at the same time, that which could be accom- 
plished by one man, if actiag for himself, in one tiventieth 
the tim'^, and at one twentieth the cost. 

Each department is its own master, and acts upon its 
own volition, without consent or consultation, and not 
unfrequently strives to thwart the plans of each other, 
and produce confusion. Every person having the con- 
trol of private business or interest, can see, without fur- 
ther comment, the reason why so large a sum is expended 
upon our streets. 

The business care, concentration, uniformity and regu- 
larity so essential to the success of any enterprise is en- 
tirely wanting. 

A general cutting up and distribution of authority, 
creating irresponsibility and negligence is productive of 
profligacy in expenditure and inefficiency in the per- 
formance of work. This abuse must be reformed. It 
has become too serious to be permitted longer. 

The little time which has been left me for investiga- 
tion, consistent with other duties, has satisfied me that 
the whole busuiess should be entirely under the control 
of one department, and at least one of the existing de- 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 173 

partments could be abolislieji entirely. There should 
be a Street Department having sole jurisdiction over the 
whole subject ; some part of the duty could be advan- 
tageously given to other departments, without detriment 
or additional expense. 

There should be a permanent Board of Commissioners, 
instead of three for each job as now, which should have 
the power to appoint permanent surveyors for the whole 
city, instead of one for each work as now. It should be 
made the duty of the law ofl&cer of the Corporation to 
give his services without any additional compensation, 
directly or indirectly, and if receiving fees, the amount 
should be paid into the treasury. 

There should be one or two permanent inspectors for 
the whole city, provided any is required, which I doubt, 
instead of one for each job as now. The duties now 
performed by the Bureau of Assessments should be 
done by the present Board of Tax Commissioners, with- 
out additional compensation, who have not only sufficient 
leisure, but the surveys, maps, and the assessed values 
of every improved and unimproved lot in the city within 
their own office, by which to facilitate the duty. The 
collection of assessments should be made by the Eeceiver 
of Taxes. 

That branch of the service coming under the head of 
repairs should be severely scrutinized, and every dollar 
accounted for under the most stringent rules of account- 
abihty ; and nothing should be expended except upon 
previous appropriation, with specific reference to the 
object for which the money was intended. The incon- 
venience and delays which would attend previous appro- 



174 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

priations upon detailed estimates for even small sums 
could be of little consideration as compared with the 
principle of unauthorized expenditures, mth the official 
profligacy which too often follows in its train. 

TAXABLE PROPERTY. 

Another matter of much importance is the feasibilitj 
of enlarging the basis upon which to levy tax. The 
Board of Tax Commissioners, organized a few years 
since, has added much to the taxable basis of real and 
personal estate. There is yet room for increase. 

JSTotwithstanding the vigilance of these officers and 
the assessors, a very large amount of personal property 
escapes, and an undue proportion is consequently put 
upon real estate. A distinction is thus created entirely 
unjust to real property, calculated not only to affect its 
value, but to retard the growth of the city. There is 
no solid reason why distinction should be made in the 
kind of value, whether real or personal, upon which we 
levy tax. So long as the principle of taxation is upon 
property^ all property should bear alike. 

Besides the large amount of personal estate that es- 
capes in consequence of the inability to discover it, there 
are immense amounts belonging to foreign manufacturers 
and traders, in the hands of agents resident here, who 
refuse to recognize our authority to collect. A very 
large sum thus gets clear. 

This foreign property receives all the protection which 
the city government affords, in common with that of our 
own people, which pays the expense. 

These foreign owners not only enjoy equal privileges 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 175 

with native citizens, but in not paying taxes upon tlieir 
property, possess an exemption wliicli enables tliem to 
compete with American labor, and affording them undue 
advantages. 

People who pay taxes can not sell merchandise as low 
as those who pay none. Means should be taken during 
the present session of the Legislature to procure the 
passage of a law, making the property of foreign man- 
ufacturers and others liable to taxation. 

ABOLITION OF FEES. 

As a further means of revenue, I recommend an ap- 
plication to the Legislature for a law which will bring 
into the treasury the large sums now received by the 
Eegistcr, County Clerk, Counsel to the Corporation, 
Corporation Attorney, and other county officers, who 
receive fees as their own perquisites. 

In some instances these sums are said to amount to 
from twenty to thirty thousand dollars per annum to one 
person. Whilst it is right that every public officer 
should be sufficiently compensated, yet there can be no 
good reason for permitting a few to amass large fortunes, 
whilst other officials, who perform more labor and more 
responsible duties, are paid one fifth the sum, and the 
whole community is burdened with taxes. Give liberal 
salaries, hut let all fees go to the treasury. 

INTEREST TO BE CHARGED. 

A further relief may be found in requiring interest on 
deposits with the City Treasurer, and collecting and dis- 



176 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

birsing officers generally. The equity, practicability, 
and importance of this measure is so apparent, tiiat it 
surprises me it has not sooner been adopted. A very 
large revenue could be thus derived. There was to the 
credit of the city in the hands of the Treasurer on the 
28th of November, 1854, over one million of dollars ; 
the 1st December, 1854, over one and a half millions ; 
from which was drawn on these dates about a half-mil- 
lion, leaving about two millions to the credit of the city. 
Additional large sums have since been drawn, leaving, 
however, on the first of January, inst., a balance remain- 
ing to the credit of the city of one million two hundred 
and eighty-three thousand four hundred and seventy -four 
dollars, for which the city receives no allowance of in- 
terest whatever. 

It is proper to add that it frequently occurs that the 
City Chamberlain is in advance to the city, and that 
during the last year he advanced fifty to sixty thousand 
dollars on claims on the treasury, for which warrants 
could not be given, thus offering facilities to individ- 
uals having claims, who otherwise would be obliged to 
wait the slow process of legislation, to be paid their just 
dues. Notwithstanding, hoAvever, this accommodating 
disposition upon the part of this officer, I can see no 
reason for conducting the financial affairs of the city 
upon any other principle than that which governs the 
commercial intercourse of individuals. 

I am satisfied that the nearer we approximate the laws 
of trade, the better will public busmess be conducted, 
and the interests of the treasury protected. 

The city is obliged to pay interest when using the 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 177 

funds of individuals, and it should receive interest from 
individuals wlio have the nse of its money. 

Last year the Comptroller borrowed upon revenue 
bonds, three millions six hundred and ninety-three thou- 
sand dollars, nearly the whole of which was borrowed at 
the rate of seven per centum, and for which we are still 
paying interest, notwithstanding the large amount now 
lying to the credit of the city in bank. How long could 
an individual or a banking institution retain its credit 
or its capital, that conducted its affairs upon so ruinous 
a principle ? The State of JSTew-York discovered the 
value of its own revenues when lying in bank- vaults, 
as early as 1826. It then adopted the policy of requir- 
ing interest upon its canal funds, which has been followed 
since without deviation. My last advices from the Cap- 
itol state, that two millions and a half of dollars have 
been already received from that source, for interest 
exclusively on the deposits of this fund with the banks. 
And it is well known that some of the heads of the city 
collecting and disbursing bureaux, have been in the prac- 
tice of receiving interest from various city banks, on the 
public money in their hands, which has gone into their 
own pockets as private perquisites. 

In recommending a revenue from this source, I beg 
to be understood that no step should be taken in 
effecting it, which would in the least jeopard the 
security of the money. Security is the first conside- 
ration. 

A prudent business man never hazards his principal 
in efforts to accumulate interest ; but if safety and profit 
can be combined — and in my judgment it can be — we 
8* 



178 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNAJ^TDO WOOD. 

should be largely tlie gamers, and to that extent taxa- 
tion lessened. 

ESTIMATES AKD APPEOPRIATIOXS. 

Another object of importance, by which large sums 
now extracted from the treasury could be saved, is the 
necessity of adopting some mode, by which all disburs- 
ing officers should be prevented from the expenditure 
of money, or creation of obligations to pay, for which 
the city is liable, without previous appropriation, and a 
balance unexpended to meet it. 

Many abuses have grown up under the present loose 
manner of expending money. 

It is useless to ask the departments for estimates upon 
which to base the appropriation, if they are disregarded 
afterward. /So long as the Common Council pass resolu- 
tions incurring expense, and the departments execute them 
frequently hy using funds appropriated for other purposes, 
so long will our taxes continue to increase, and the enor- 
mous annual deficiencies, now so common, continue to startle 
us at the end of the year. 

Means should be taken to stop this altogether ; the 
head of a department should not be allowed to exceed 
his own estimates, or the appropriation made ; he and 
his bonds should be made responsible to the city for 
any liability thus incurred. 

Disbursing officers must be confined within the spirit 
as well as the letter of the charter, which provides that 
no money shall be drawn from the city treasury except 
the same shall have been previously appropriated to the 
purpose for which it is drawn. 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 179 

An tLonest version of tliis provision makes it as appli- 
cable to tlie creation of an obligation to be liquidated out 
of subsequent appropriation, as it is to that directly 
referred to. 

SUSPENDED SALES FOR TAXES AND ASSESSMENTS. 

You should also take measures to collect about seven 
hundred and fifty thousand dollars from the suspended 
sales for taxes and assessments, which can be obtained 
upon the necessary legislative action, empowering the 
Comptroller to proceed. The sum is sufficiently large 
to demand your immediate attention. 

CONTRACTS. 

The present mode of making contracts is defective. 
Notwithstanding the improvement of late years, in exact- 
ing more publicity in opening bids, and in g-uarding 
against favoritism in granting contracts, yet it is sup- 
posed much wrong still exists. There is no doubt that 
frauds are still perpetrated in this branch of the public 
service. Bids are frequently put in in the name of ficti- 
tious persons, ranging from a high to a low estimate — 
speculators standing ready to take advantage of any 
embarrassment to the department, owing to the non- 
appearance of the false bidder, and to get the contract at 
the highest possible limits. Again, it is the practice to 
put in estimates, not with the expectation of making and 
performing a contract, but to be bought off by some 
more responsible party, who has been under-bid. Vari- 
ous other ways, the details of which are known only to 



180 BIOGEAPHY OF FEKNANDO WOOD. 

the initiated, are in vogue, by wliicli to defraud tlie 
treasury. If tlie head of a department acts in collusion 
with these outsiders, it is next to impossible to prevent 
frauds under the present system. 

One of the best safeguards may be found in more 
general publicity in offering to receive proposals. The 
expense of advertising is of no importance, as compared 
with the benefit to be derived from it. 

The object of offering public proposals to make con- 
tracts, is to invite competition, and prevent the high 
prices which monopoly produces ; it is defeated if the 
advertisements are published in obscure papers, unknown 
to and "unread by the mass of the people. 

Too much publicity can not be given to the offering 
of contracts ; the expense of general advertising will be 
more than made up by the increased bidding, and con- 
sequent reduced prices. 

CITY RAILROADS AND OMNIBUSES. 

I also recommend the taxation of city railroad cars. 
It appears to me that these companies should pay at 
least one hundred dollars license upon each car, besides 
keeping the streets and avenues through which their 
tracks are laid in complete repair, and always clean. 

The City Government receives no equivalent for the 
privileges these roads possess, which are now very valu- 
able. So far as rail-travel in this city can affect them, 
the present roads may be said to have a monopoly. A 
recent State law secures their grants, and in effect pre- 
cludes opposition or annoyance; they occupy, to the 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 181 

exclusion of all other citizens, tlie centre of our best 
business avenues. 

Exclusive privileges are always to be deprecated, but 
wlien granted, the city should in return receive an ample 
pecuniary equivalent. A revenue of forty thousand 
dollars could be procured from this source, besides the 
saving of the very heavy cost of repairing and cleaning 
the thoroughfares. 

The omnibuses should also keep in repair and clean 
the streets through which they pass, or pay into the 
treasury a sufficient sum for that purpose. 

These vehicles do more injury to the pavements than 
all the rest of the travel together, and the city in return 
receives no pecuniary aid from them for that purpose 
whatever. The existing lines of omnibuses are well 
secured in their privilege, having, by the law of 1854, 
made it so difficult to procure licenses for competing 
lines, that they now enjoy almost a monopoly. How 
far the out-town railroad lines, entering the city, are 
subject to municipal regulations, I am not at this time 
enabled to advise ; my opinion, however, is, that there 
is nothing in their charters entitling them to exception 
from any tax which you may deem a fair equivalent 
for the right of way they now possess. 

If, upon consultation with the Counsel of the Corpora- 
tion, there be no legal obstacle, I make the same recom- 
mendation as to a car-tax, and the cleaning and repairs 
of the avenues and streets through which they pass, as 
made with reference to the city railroads. 



182 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 



EMIGRANTS. 

It is well known that for many years extortions and 
oppressions of the most inhuman character have been 
practised upon the emigrants coming to this port. 

There appears to be a series of organized classes of 
persons, all connected, and acting from a common im- 
pulse of plunder, who take, and keep possession of their 
victims as long as a sixpence is left to rob them of. 
These vampires form a cordon, stretching from Sandy 
Hook to the lakes — and to the far West. 

They act in concert, with a well-formed understand- 
ing, and spend large sums to protect themselves from 
detection and punishment. Common humanity, as well 
as the honor and prosperity of this City and State, call 
for more stringent laws and regulations governing our 
whole emigrant system. I regret that this already too 
lengthy communication prevents more extended com- 
ments upon this branch of the subject, consistent with 
others demanding attention. 

Much inconvenience to the shipping interest is caused 
by the present mode of landing emigrant passengers. 

As now conducted it is a serious evil, not only to the 
passengers, but also to the vessels from which they land, 
and to other vessels, with which they materially inter- 
fere. This is also an evil calling for some action at your 
hands ; as now conducted it is productive of great hard- 
ship to the emigrant and injury to others. 

Now a ship arrives from sea with her decks crowded 
with hundreds of men, women and children, and hauls 
outside and alongside another vessel at her berth, dis- 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 183 

cliarging or taking in cargo, wliicli may be composed of 
fine goods in valuable packages. 

As soon as tlie emigrant ship nears the wliarf, sbe is 
boarded by an army of runners, cartmen and others, 
having business with, and too often design upon, her 
passengers, and the passengers are dragged over the 
vessel discharging, to the shore ; her cargo, which may 
be on deck, or upon the dock, is not only materially 
injured, the packages soiled, broken or stolen, but an 
embargo is laid upon all work for the time being. Thus 
a serious injury is inflicted. This evil has grown to be 
intolerable. The remedy is very simple. One or two 
piers should be set aside, away from the pressure of 
shipping, and exclusively devoted to the landing of em- 
igrant passengers. They should be inclosed, and only 
persons properly clothed with authority, and of good 
character, be permitted within the inclosure. The po- 
lice could be stationed there to protect and direct the 
emigrants, and, as the boarding-houses and forwarding 
of&cers would, of course, locate in the vicinity, the emi- 
grants would be benefited, as well as the present injury 
to other shipping entirely removed. These suggestions 
are worth attention, and, I hope, will be acted upon. 

It has long been the practice of many Governments 
on the continent of Europe, to get rid of convicts and 
paupers by sending them to this country, and most gene- 
rally to this port. The increase of crime here can be 
traced to this cause, rather than to a defect in the crimi- 
nal laws or their administration. An examination of 
the criminal and pauper records shows conclusively, 
that it is but a small proportion of these uufortmiates 



184 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

wlio are natives of tliis countrj. One of tlie very hea- 
viest burdens we bear is tlie support of these people, 
even when considering the direct cost ; but when esti- 
mating the evil influences upon society, and the contami- 
nating effect upon all who come within the range of 
their depraved minds, it becomes a matter exceedingly 
serious, and demanding immediate and complete eradi- 
cation. I know no subject of more importance; cer- 
tainly we have the power to protect this city against the 
landing of so vile an addition to our population ; the 
health, as well as the life and property of the people for 
whom you legislate, requires some action at your hands. 
I am confident the General Government will listen to any 
representations from you, relating to it, and interpose 
its national authority in our behalf On the 2d instant, 
I made this grievance the subject of an oflicial commu- 
nication to the President of the United States, a copy of 
which is annexed, marked A. 

The constantly increasing expenses of the Alms-house 
Department, and the want of control of the Corporation 
over them, should not escape your notice. I am satis- 
fied that, whatever may be thought as to the exercise of 
proper economy upon the part of the Governors of the 
Alms-house, there can be no doubt that one cause for 
the present large outlay required, is the maintenance of 
persons who should be a charge upon the fund under 
the exclusive control of the Emigrant Commissioners. 
It is evident that the object in creating this Board was 
to have full control over the whole subject, and to bear 
the entire costs of the support of these unfortunate peo- 
ple, at least until they have been five years in this 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 185 

country. In practice, tliis appears not to be its opera- 
tion. At least a portion of the inmates of the institu- 
tions under the control of the Alms-house Governors, 
who are supported by the city, are properly chargeable 
to the Emigrant Commission. In my opinion, the whole 
subject requires revision. An entire alteration of the 
present system is absolutely demanded. As it is now, 
the tax-payers of this city have not only to support the 
poor of the city, and a portion of that belonging to the 
surrounding country, which find their way here, but 
also a very large portion of the paupers of every nation 
in Europe. 

The absolute cost of supporting our own poor would 
be a triile too small to be worthy of comment ; but when 
required to perform the duty for so many other commu- 
nities, its burden has become of too great a magnitude 
to be submitted to longer. The Board of EmigTant 
Commissioners was created in 1847, to protect and pro- 
vide for the emigrants arriving at this port ; a fund is 
provided for this purpose. It is a State institution, 
mostly imder the control of officers appointed by the 
Governor and Senate, and, in all respects, independent 
of our municipal action. Its existence is a recognition 
of the position that the persons called emigrants should 
in no respect be a tax upon this county. As now con- 
ducted, it is a grievous tax. "We support the emigrant 
criminal sentenced to Blackwell's Island, and other city 
penal institutions. A large number of policemen are 
detailed especially for their protection, for which our 
treasury pays. The Mayor's office and no inconsidera- 
ble portion of his time are occupied in hearing and de- 



186 BIOGKAPHY OF FERKANDO WOOD. 

termining cases involving tlie riglits and property of 
emigrants, to say nothing of that branch of his duties 
relating to the proper licensing and regulating of emi- 
gTant boarding-houses and runners. In my opinion the 
city should be relieved altogether from these duties and 
expenses. So far as the State assumes to take charge 
of these people, she should carry out the work entire ; 
we should be relieved from it. 

[Then follow some instructions on the Police, which 
will more fitly be considered in the chapter which shall 
treat of that department.] 

SPRING CHARTER ELECTIONS. 

I can not omit expressing my conviction that much 
benefit could be derived to the city, by separating the 
election for charter offi.cers from that for State or na- 
tional officers. 

As now conducted, our local interests are almost en- 
tirely lost sight of in the conflict on State or national 
issues. As the lesser is always absorbed by the greater, 
so is the apparently smaller affaii's of our City Govern- 
ment lost sight of in the contest on candidates for higher 
offices. 

The magnitude of our municipal interests calls for the 
closest scrutiny into the qualifications of persons to take 
charge of them; no other considerations than those con- 
nected directly with local questions should be included 
in the canvass for city rulers. The evils of frequent 
elections are of little importance as compared with the 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 187 

danger of tlie selection of improper men. In tlie strug- 
gle for a Governor or a President, persons entirely dis- 
qualified will sometimes slide unobserved into a local 
place of trust and power. 

The election law, whicli places tlie candidates for 
county offices on tlie same ballot witb candidates for 
State officers, increases tbe evil. At tlie late election 
there were twelve names on the same ballot. In the 
haste and excitement of election day, it is very difficult 
for even the most intelligent voter to select the names 
for whom he desires to vote when found upon the same 
ticket ; but where the duty is imposed upon the illiterate 
or ignorant, it is seldom exercised, especially if there be 
a cunningly devised ballot, not permitting erasure or 
substitution. 

CENTRAL PAEK. 

The commissioners appointed to open the Central 
Park are progressing with the work. Since the organ- 
ization of the Board, it has collected and examined evi- 
dence of title to the lands to be taken for the park ; in 
causing the necessary surveys, maps of blocks and pro- 
files of grades to be made, in personal view of the lands 
to be taken, and in procuring such information in regard 
thereto, as may serve to guide to a just valuation of the 
same ; also in determining the area of assessment for 
special benefit, and procuring maps of the same, and in 
procuring evidence of the value of the improvements on 
the land to be taken ; and are now engaged in the valua- 
tion of the lands themselves. It will be remembered 
that this park is to be bounded south by Fifty-ninth 



188 BIOGKAPHY OF FEKNANDO WOOD. 

street, north by One liundred and sixth street, east by 
the Fifth avenue, and west by the Eighth avenne ; and 
will comprehend an area of seven hundred and seventy- 
six acres, say. 776 

From which, deduct 

State Arsenal, 14 

Croton Eeservoir, 38 

Proposed " 112 

Streets and Avenues, 190 

Belonging to the city, 84-388 

Leaving to be paid for — acres 388 

"Which, by estimating at sixteen lots per acre, makes 
six thousand two hundred and eight lots to be paid for 
by the city, and by assessments upon contiguous pro- 
perty. The important question of the valuation of these 
lots has not as yet been positively fixed by the com- 
missioners. The subject is now before them, and I ad- 
vise all who are interested to appear at their office. An- 
other question of much public interest, in connection 
with this matter, is the territorial limit to which the com- 
missioners shall extend their assessments upon property 
of individuals, and what proportion of the whole cost 
shall be made a tax upon the city. 

These questions are entirely under the control of the 
commissioners. I am informed, unofficially, that the 
disposition of the Board is to extend the area of assess- 
ment three blocks east and west, and a greater distance 
north and south ; and to make two thirds of the whole 
cost payable by the city. If this be the determination, 
it can be easily ascertained about what sum the park will 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 189 

cost. Estimating the average value of tlie land at five 
hundred dollars per lot — a liberal estimate — ^the whole 
cost would be three milhons one hundred and four thou- 
sand dollars ; deduct one third to be paid by individuals 
whose property is supposed to be benefited, it will leave 
two millions sixty-nine thousand dollars to be paid for 
by the city — a smaller sum than was anticipated at the 
time of passing the act. The commissioners expect to 
close their duties early in the ensuing summer. There 
can be no doubt as to the necessity of some such park 
conveniently located on this island. In my opinion, 
future generations, who are to pay this expense, would 
have good reasons for reflecting upon the present gene- 
ration, if we permitted the entire island to be taken pos- 
session of by the population, without some spot like 
this, devoted to rural beauty, healthful recreation, and 
pure atmosphere. 

NEW PUBLIC BUILDINGS. 

It is to be regretted that we are still without some 
definite action in this matter. It is a year since the old 
Alms-house buildings, which for several years were 
used for the purposes of a court-house, were destroyed by 
fire, and no conclusion has yet been arrived at with ref- 
erence to the erection of a substitute. This should be 
one of the first measures to receive attention. 

The present City Hall and its appendages are insuffi- 
cient. The accumulation of public business of all kinds 
has rendered it imperative upon this city, regardless of 
expense, to make provision for it without delay. Many 



190 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

plans for a new City Hall have been proposed, none of 
■wtiicli have been examined by me, and of which I am 
not competent to judge, had they been. I will suggest, 
however, that, inasmuch as the day can not be far dis- 
tant when that portion of the city lying south of Grand 
street will be entirely occupied by wholesale business, 
to the exclusion of resident population, and that, as a 
City Hall, to contain the courts and offices for the trans- 
action of municipal business should be in the vicinity of 
the numerical centre of population, whether it is politic 
to expend large sums of money in permanent improve- 
ments in the Park, as now located. We have no guar- 
antee that the next generation may not demand their 
removal to a more convenient position. There can be 
no doubt that public offices, to which all classes, without 
distinction, are drawn, should be equally accessible to 
the whole population. 

'Not can I recommend the adoption of a proposition 
recently made in the Common Council, by which the 
Legislature is to appoint commissioners to superintend 
the erection of a new City Hall. The folly of transfer- 
ring further legislation for this city to Albany, except 
to get a charter that will return to it a form of govern- 
ment commensurate to its wants, is so apparent, that I 
hope it will not be indulged in again. One legislative 
act after another has been adopted at Albany, until we 
are almost without any government whatever. There 
is now in preparation a proposition for the Legislature to 
appoint six commissioners, with power to name every 
officer under the city government, which, if it becomes 
a law, will give the extinguishing blow to what little 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 191 

power is left to the people of this city over their own 
municipal affairs. 

PUBLIC SCnOOL EXPENSES. 

Complaints are made of the largely increasing ex- 
penses for public school education, and the want of 
power of the City Grovernment over the disbursements 
of the Board of Education. 

My attention has been called to this subject, and 
though there is no doubt room for improvement as it 
regards the economy evinced in the erection and fitting 
up of school-houses, yet the benefits derived from the 
system are of too great a magnitude to be jeoparded by 
illiberality in defraying its cost. 

I have no doubt that it is the general approval of our 
public schools, as now conducted, that induces the peo- 
ple to submit to the present onerous taxation. The 
great improvements in the mode of culture adopted, and 
the evident advantage of the public schools over the 
private schools of this city, have made them the general 
academies of tuition for the children of nearly the whole 
population. The cost to us in taxation is not one fifth 
the usual expense for an ordinary pay-school education. 
Indeed, there are few real estate owners, with families, 
who cannot get their whole tax returned by sending their 
children to the public schools, with the advantage of a 
better and more thorough education, and a discipline 
and moral training far more perfect than our fashiona- 
ble " academies for young gentlemen" can pretend to. 

Therefore, while discountenancing extravagance in 



192 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

any public department, yet having full confidence in 
the gentlemen who have charge of the public education 
of this city, and deeply appreciating the system, I can 
not recommend any step towards interfering with the 
management of it, so long as it continues to improve in 
efficiency and pubhc benefit, and holds, as it does now, 
the position of our brightest ornament, with the pros- 
pect of being the fruitfal source from whence we are to 
derive yet higher honor and more brilliant results. 



REVISION OF THE ORDINANCES. 

I can not too earnestly impress upon you the necessity 
of a revision and a collecting of the ordinances into one 
or more volumes, and a codification of the laws applica- 
ble to this city. It would be almost incredible to a 
stranger to be told that there is no collection of the laws 
by which this city is governed. 

A collection of ordinances has not been published 
since 1845, and of that but few copies remain ; since 
1845 material amendments have been made to the char- 
ter, and numerous resolutions and ordinances have been 
adopted, which are now to be found only by a voyage 
of discovery in the office of the Clerk of the Board of 
Aldermen, with the chance being very much against 
success, even with the guide of the accommodating 
officers who have charge of that office. The memory 
of persons who have for many years been connected 
with the Common Council is the only index in exist- 
ence. 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 193 

The mere statement of the fact will, I am conBdent, 
procure action. 

THE DOCKS. 

The dock accommodations for the shipping of the 
city, is another subject which should receive notice. 
You need not be informed that at present they are to- 
tally inadequate, both in extent and quality. There is 
no commercial city in the world, of the magnitude of 
New- York, so deficient ; substantial stone or iron docks 
and piers should be constructed, which would not only 
be durable, but in the result far more economical than 
those now in use. 

A funded debt could be created for the payment of 
the cost, leaving to posterity, who are to be the recipients 
of the advantages derived from the construction, the 
liquidation of the obligation. The present, as well as 
the future accommodations for the shipping, which con- 
stitute so great an element in our prosperity, demand 
some action at your hands on this subject. 

NON-PAYMENT OF CONTRACTORS AND OTHERS. 

Much distress has recently been caused to persons 
having demands against the city, owing to the non-pay- 
ment of salaries, and for supplies furnished, and con- 
tracts performed. Great injury has resulted to many 
individuals of small means, from this cause. At any 
time, disappointments of this kind bear oppressively, 
but at a period of great monetary stringency, like the 
9 



194 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

present, it is a hardship exceedingly onerous, and should 
not again occur. Besides the wrong done to the party 
having a just claim, in omitting to meet the demand, 
the injury to the treasury is not insignificant. We 
need not be told that a poor paymaster has to pay 
higher prices than he who meets his engagements 
promptly. 

It is not unreasonable to expect that the city creditors 
will provide themselves against the loss arising from the 
difficulty in getting their dues, by charging sufficiently 
to cover the loss arising from these delays. Without 
recommending any relaxation in adherence to the laws 
and ordinances governing the disbursement of money, I 
can not omit to express the hope that you will take 
immediate means to prevent a recurrence of so great an 
evil to the creditors of the city, and preserve its feith 
and credit from dishonor. 



RELIEF TO BROADWAY. 

Another relief to the citizens could be found in the 
adoption of some mode to prevent the large collection of 
omnibuses in Broadway below the Park. In my opin- 
ion this evil should not be longer permitted. 

If the stages now permitted to go to the South ferry 
were limited to one half the present number, the whole 
difficulty would be remedied. The many lines entering 
Broadway below the Park, not only obstruct the pass- 
age of each other, but frequently cut off entirely the 
passage of smaller vehicles. Foot-passengers are ex- 
cluded almost entirely from the cross-walks. 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 195 

This evil is increasing, tliougli the police, at an ex- 
pense to the city, is kept on duty to prevent disorder, 
and to aid passengers in crossing. 

The present laws deprive the Mayor of power over 
the omnibuses, so far as controlling their routes or their 
number, but I recommend that an ordinance be passed 
preventing any one line sending more than one stage in 
ten minutes, below the Park, in Broadway. The little 
inconvenience which this restriction would cause to per- 
sons having business below the Park would be of no 
consideration compared to the present difficulties. 

I also recommend that the Russ pavement in Broad- 
way be grooved. Though this beautiful and durable 
pavement is an ornament as well as advantage to the 
city, yet its smoothness renders it dangerous to horses. 
Its solidity retains moisture, which, when freezing, pre- 
sents a surface of ice, rendering its use extremely dan- 
gerous. 

CATTLE-DRIYING. 

The practice of driving cattle through the streets of 
the city is another evil calling for prompt action. It is 
an abuse which our citizens have submitted to too long. 
In my opinion, this Common Council will deserve the 
severest censure, if, like its predecessors, it timidly skulks 
from its duty in ridding us of this dangerous nuisance. 
Kot only is the health of the whole population jeoparded 
by the unwholesome odors arising from the collection of 
these animals, but it not unfrequently occurs that life, 
limb and property are destroyed by it. 



196 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 



DIRTY STREETS. 

In April, 1854, contracts were entered into for tlie 
cleaning of streets and avenues of the city. The speci- 
fications of these contracts are stringent, and there would 
be no cause of complaint if the contractors performed 
them. They provide that every thoroughfare shall be 
thoroughly and properly cleaned and swept, and all the 
dirt, manure, ashes, garbage, rubbish, and sweepings, of 
every kind, removed twice a week ; and in Broadway 
and the leading avenues, three times a week. If these con- 
ditions were complied with, there could be no grounds 
of complaint. I regret to say they have not been com- 
plied with, and though it is stated that in consequence 
of the low rates at which the contracts are taken, com- 
pliance is impossible, without heavy loss ; yet, in my 
opinion, there is no other resource than to demand a 
rigid fulfillment. If contracts are to be thrown up, or 
only half performed, at the will of contractors, because 
not profitable, the bargain is all on one side. Under 
this ruling, the city is to suffer in any event. So far as 
the law gives me power, I shall require a strict compli- 
ance with the existing contracts to clean the streets ; 
and that I may know which of the contractors are 
derelict, the police have been ordered to make the con- 
dition of the streets, in their several beats, the subject of 
observation, and to report, every day, the result. 

[Since 1830, the charter had been tinkered and re-tin- 
kered, patched, clouted, and otherwise quasi-mended, 
until it resulted in the extraordinary composition now 



COMMUNICATION TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 197 

extant. Eead, O my friends! this extract from the 
proposed amended charter referred to by His Honor the 
Mayor — read it, and let your heads swim : 

"Sec. 35, Chapter 122, of Laws of 1830, and an act to amend the 
charter of the city of New- York, passed April 2, 1849, and an act 
to amend an act, entitled an act to amend the charter of the city of 
New- York, passed April 2, 18i9, passed July 11, 1851 ; and an act 
further to ameod the charter of the city of New- York, passed April 
12, 1853 ; and an act supplementary to an act, entitled an act further 
to amend the charter of the city of New- York, passed April 12, 
1853, passed June 1-i, 1853, are hereby repealed." 

Not being yet repealed, what have we ? Nine inde- 
pendent chiefs of city governments ; five bureaux to 
take care of the streets — ("too many cooks," say the 
vulgar, "spoil the broth;") executive officers with in- 
dependent powers, and legislative bodies who interfere 
with the executive ; doubtful or restricted power in the 
hands of the executive, and strong inclination to take 
even that away from him. 

What, then, is to be done ? Homoeopathy alone can 
cure this : the principle, simiUa similihus curantur^ must 
be applied here. If legislation have reduced us to chaos, 
let us legislate ourselves back again out of that chaos, 
into some sufferable shape. So a new plan of charter is 
formed ; first to repeal that dreadful sentence quoted as 
" Sec. 35," above, and then to make New- York govern- 
ment a simple legislative and executive one, the Mayor 
being the head of this latter division. Most of this pro- 
posed amended charter met Mr. Wood's views ; of im- 
portant points, he zealously opposed one — that which 
set down general and local elections for the same day. 



198 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

He speaks of tliis in his letter to Mr. Blatckford, which 
follows hero :] 

Mayor's Office, New- York, February 13, 1855. 
Hon. R. M. Blatchford, in Assembly, Albany : 

Dear Sir: In relation to the proposed City Cliarter, I can express 
a favorable opinion of its leading features. With the exception of 
the continuance of tJie great error of leaving oiir local issues to be 
decided at the general election, I find much to approve. Its leading 
features correspond with my ideas of a good form of government as 
expressed in my Inaugural Address to the Common Council. In the 
main it is very like that adopted by the framers of the Federal Gov- 
ernment in the present Constitution. With slight modifications it 
will be a most excellent substitute for that now in force. It is an 
error, however, to suppose that good government depends upon the 
organic law. It does not, because, without honest, fearful and capa- 
ble executive officers the most perfect form of government ever 
devised by human intellect will prove entirely inadequate to the 
wants of the people. _ Therefore, we require not only a good Charter, 
but also good functionaries to execute the laws under it. These 
must be chosen with exclusive reference to their fitness and capacity 
for the places filled by them. To secure officers of this kind no other 
than local issues should be permitted to enter the canvass, which can 
only be accomplished by an entire separation of the elections for 
national and State officers from those for municipal officers, and this 
is the objection to the Charter now proposed. It leaves us as we are, 
with our own local interests entirely at the mercy of the exciting 
and at times overwhelming issues of national and State politics. 
As favorably as I think of this new Charter, it will, in my opinion, 
entirely fail in removing the difficulties under which we suffer, if it 
does not also provide for the election of Charter officers at some other 
time* than that at which are chosen State and national officers. In 
the Message sent by me to the Common Council, January 11, 1855, 
I refe.r to this subject in the following language : 

" I can not omit expressing my conviction that much benefit could 



COMMUNICATION" TO THE COMMON COUNCIL. 199 

be derived to the city, by separating the election for charter officers 
from that for State or national officers. 

*' As now conducted, our local interests are almost entirely lost 
sight of in the conflict on State or national issues. As the lesser is 
always absorbed by the greater, so are the apparently smaller affairs 
of our City Government lost sight of in the contest on candidates for 
higher offices. 

''The magnitude of our municipal interests calls for the closest 
scrutiny into the qualifications of persons to take charge of them ; no 
other considerations than those connected directly with local ques- 
tions should be included in the canvass for city rulers. The evils of 
frequent elections are of little importance as compared with the dan- 
ger of the selection of improper men. In the struggle for a Governor 
or a President, persons entirely disqualified will sometimes slide un- 
observed into a local place of trust and power. 

" The election law, which places the candidates for county offices on 
the same ballot with candidates for State offices, increases the evil. 
At the late election there were twelve names on the same ballot ; in 
the haste and excitement of election day, it is very difficult for even 
the most intelligent voter to select the names for whom he desires to 
vote when found upon the same ticket ; but where the duty is imposed 
upon the illiterate or ignorant, it is seldom exercised, especially if 
there be a cunningly-devised ballot, not permitting erasure or substi- 
tution." 

Though in office but one month since the above was written, yet 
the experience of that month has confirmed these views. / The con- 
nection between local politics and that of the State ani nation is 
detrimental to the interests of this city./ New- York has a govern- 
ment and a municipality of its own, of/too great a magnitude to be 
jeoparded by being made secondary to the overshadowing influences 
centered at the capital. The power derived from the patronage of 
the General Government in this city, overwhelms all other political 
considerations, and it is almost invariably the fact, when the cen- 
tral power at Wjishington has a direct interest in the result of an 
election here, that our local interests are submerged entirely. When 
a President is to be chosen, or a congressional majority is to be 
secured, or any measure to be sustained or opposed, this power is un- 



200 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

hesitatiugly exercised, and carries in all the candidates as well for 
municipal ofiQcers, as for those directly required. The General Gov- 
ernment has never been beaten in this city, when it had a direct stake 
in the result. At every Presidential election for twenty years, the 
then existing national administrations have been sustained in this 
city, and all the candidates of the party with which it was identified 
have been successful. There is no arguing against these facts. The 
conclusion is inevitable, that other interests than our own influence 
if not control the selection of our own rulers when elected at the 
general election. If, under these circumstances, honest and capable 
men happen to be designated for us, we are indebted for it more to 
accident or the interposition of Divine Providence in our favor than 
to the forethought and discriminating action of the voter^ themselves. 
No, let there be a separation, irrevocable and entire^Let there be 
but one issue when local officers are to be chosen, and that referring 
to the welfare and prosperity of New- York. If, differing upon na- 
tional and State questions, we can unite without embarrassment or 
obstruction upon men fitted for charter officers without reference to 
their party affinities or associations, the consideration will then be 
not whether they are in favor or against any outside issue involving 
matters of national import, but whether in favor of an economical 
government for this city, and opposed to vices, immorality, corruption 
and bad government.! I shall not have time to present several other 
points equally worthy of attention. If this change is made in the 
charter now proposed, I could give it my support though not ap- 
proving all its details. 

I look upon spring charter elections as essential to the well-being 
of this city. It is in my opinion paramount to all other questions 
appertaming to the City Government. With this alteration, the 
paper now submitted by the Board of Aldermen will be applicable to 
our wants, and will give us the best government we have had in 
thirty years. 

Tery respectfully, yours, 

[Signed] Feenando Wood, Mayor, 

WitL. these principles to gnide "him, with his ener- 
getic, strong nature to help him, Fernando Wood set 



COMPLAINT-BOOK. 201 

out upon liis attempt at reform — his attempt to give to 
this great citj a gOYernment somewhat worth}^ of it. 

The first step in all reforms is to know the evil. It 
was Mayor Wood's first step. Previous to his adminis- 
tration there was not one of the departments to which 
the citizen could apply with certainty of having his 
grievance redressed. The duties and the powers were 
so indefinite, and the ofl&cials so little desirous of having 
trouble, that a complaint was sent from one department 
to another, and back again, or to a third. His sorrow 
appeared to be every body's, or, what is tantamount to 
that, no body's business, and when finally reduced to 
petition the Common Council, he discovered that such a 
process was somewhat like a suit in the court of chan- 
cery, a decision upon which might, by the blessing oi 
Providence, ultimately be obtained by his grandson. 

There was no remedy for the ten thousand little gTiev- 
ances which must of necessity annoy the private citizen — 
for the petty distresses, so small in our eyes, so gTcat in 
the eyes of those who have to endure them. Mr. Wood 
is a kind, warm-hearted man, as well as an ingeniously 
intelligent one ; and the union of the two qualities sug- 
gested and produced the Complaint-Book. The public 
were notified through the press that such a book was 
opened at the Mayor's ofSce, wherein might be registered 
complaints of dereliction from duty on the part of any 
corporation officers, of violated ordinances, of illegal in- 
cumbrances, of nuisances, in a word, of any abuse what- 
ever. Soon the broad leaves were covered with com- 
plaints. Poor servant-ghls told how unjust masters de- 
frauded them of their wages; young sewing-women 
9* 



202 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

exposed the cruel clieaterj of their employers ; police- 
men were reported for negligence of duty ; great mer- 
chants for encumbering the thoroughfares with multi- 
tudinous boxes ; omnibus drivers and cartmen for furious 
and dangerous driving ; hackmen were brought up for 
overcharges and for insolence ; street of&cials were at- 
tacked for leaving streets full of garbage and filth ; Mr. 
Commissioner of Paving got raps on the knuckles for 
the gullies and displaced curb-stones and unclosed sewer- 
holes that he neglected to attend to, and frauds of all 
kinds were exposed; and all these things received the 
prompt and personal attention of the Mayor, and where 
it was possible they were remedied. 

There were some, however, who sought remedies for 
wrongs beyond the reach of mayors or other human 
authorities. "Wives wanted cross husbands made amia- 
ble ; mothers begged that tall daughters might be forced 
to stay in-doors ; poor men asked that rich men might be 
compelled to give them work ; neighbors' quarrels were 
laid before his perplexed Honor for adjudication. One 
worthy woman insisted on a personal interview with 
him, and required him to silence the tongue of her next 
door neighbor, who used to call her names out of the 
window ; one tailor complained that a poUceman would 
not pay his bill : the officer was called up, plead honest 
poverty, and Mr. Wood paid the bill from his own 
pocket, to the great satisfaction of accuser and accused. 

The ComplaintrBook was so manifestly an admirable 
invention, that Mayors of various cities came to New- 
York to see it and to learn its working and effects, and 
it was set up as an " institution'^ all over the Union. By 



COMPLAINT-BOOK. 20S 

it, Mr. Wood has been enabled to do an incalculable 
amount of good, and to secure firm gratitude in tliousands 
of humble hearts, which hitherto had suffered in silence ; 
the voice of whose complaint had hitherto never risen 
up to the ear of authoritative justice. Children have 
been restored to their parents ; young girls have been 
rescued from prostitution ; right has been done to the 
oppressed; the rich cheat compelled to make humble 
compensation ; the poor emigrant saved from the brutal 
runner ; the swindler auctioneer to disgorge his ill-got- 
ten gains, and a thousand other benefits resulting from 
this noble thought of Fernando Wood, and from that 
decided action of his which that thought entailed upon 
him, and which entitled him to the gratitude of all this 
great city. We were grateful for forty hours, and then 
we forgot all about it. It is the fortieth maxim of Ad- 
jatant and Ensign Morgan O'Doherty, that "You may 
•always ascertain whether you are m a city or a village 
by finding out whether the inhabitants do or* do not care 
for, or speak about, any thing, three days after it has 
happened." In cities they donH, 

Now, whatsoever good the Mayor has been enabled to 
accomplish, he has done almost unaided. It is a fact, 
incredible as it may appear to the inhabitants of other 
civilized countries, that the Common Council has abso- 
lutely neglected to take any action upon the various and 
important matters laid before them in the message of 
January 11. 

Although the suggestions of that message treated of 
such vital points as the health of the city, the safety of 
the citizens, the municipal revenues, the condition of 



204 BIOGKAPHT OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

the streets, the public education, and such like, the Hon. 
Boards of Aldermen and Councilmen have left that 
message untouched until the day on which these lines 
are being written — a period of eight months ; and Mr. 
"Wood has had no assistance from them in the great good 
already effected, but has been compelled to-day, Sep- 
tember 4, to recall their attention to his message in a 
very peremptory manner. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE POLICE CHAPTER. 

But one man, thougli lie be chief executive officer, 
can not see all things done, liis will carried out, his 
ideas ftilfilled, his thoughts translated into actions, with- 
out help. The supreme executive needs sub-executives; 
the law gives the police corps to the Major to fill these 
positions ; and when Mr. Wood came into office he saw, 
as we have seen, what 'work there was to be done, and 
so looked about for some one to help him. He found a 
sort of civilian body, who did some form of watchman's 
duty, well or ill according as they were honest men or 
otherwise. 

You saw some of them lounging about upon drink- 
ing-house steps, over area-raihngs, looking on, as calm, 
uninterested judges of a street-fight ; acting according 
to warrant issued by this or that justice, but without any 
idea of a duty always imposed upon, and belonging to 
them by virtue of their office. 

But Mr. Wood knew that he had something to do, 
and that he could not do it alone. This police corps 
was supposed to belong to him ex suo officio^ and there- 
fore had his will to carry out as their task in official 



206 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

life. Mr. Wood determined that tliey sliould do this, 
entitling themselves thereby to fair days' wages for their 
fair days' work, to the respect and confidence of their 
fellow citizens, to a life of usefulness — a life protective 
of the life and property of others, their fellow citizens. 

The Mayor then — a reading, thinking, and on the 
whole, unprejudiced man — seeing that the best city gov- 
ernments were out of this country and carried on by a 
military police, resolved to militarize the police of Kew- 
York. He began, ' advanced, and perfected his police 
reform, with wondrous quickness and with admirable 
result. New- York was changed as in a moment. To 
quote from the Boston Advertiser : 

" Immediately after his inauguration he issued a proclamation which 
gave New- York ' assurance of a man.' He followed up his words 
with deeds. The effect of his energetic action was instantly and 
powerfully felt. The two thousand three hundred drinking-shops, 
which had poured forth riot and madness into the streets of the city 
on the Lord's day, were reduced almost at once to less than twenty. 
Like another Caliph Harouu, Mr. Wood seemed to be ubiquitous. 
He paralyzed the hand of barkeepers grown bold with long impu- 
nity, by the sudden revelation of his name and office, and by the same 
talisman struck insolent policemen dumb in the moment of their mis- 
conduct or their neglect. Wherever his authority clearly extended, 
he made it felt and respected, and he did not hesitate, wherever that 
authority was doubtful, to take upon himself the responsibility of 
decided action, if the public good seemed to demand his interference. 

The very stones of New- York bear witness now to his courage and 
his conduct. The stranger blesses the resolute Mayor when he lands 
in safety from car or steamboat, unsmitten by the whips, unclutched 
by the hands of raging Jehus. The ' unprotected female' breathes 
a sweet wish for him, when the stout arm and quick eye of the polite 
policeman have cleared for her a passage through the throng of 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 207 

coaches and of omnibuses that make Broadway as turbulent as the 
rapids of a cataract. There is a fair change come over the face of 
the great metropoH^;, and that change'is due absohitely and solely to 
the simple fact that Mayor Wood does his duty like a man ; for the 
charter of New- York is as bad as ever it was. Such is the value of 



How he went about this work may best be learned 
from his own messages and orders. 

It was first essential to know precisely under what 
command this corps of right belonged, and what the 
duties of its members were. In his communication to 
the Board of Councilmen of January 1, he expresses 
his own ideas of these matters thus : 

-' This department of the City Government is placed 
more directly under the personal supervision of the 
Mayor than others ; and in assuming its direction, with 
the restricted power as to appointment and removal, 
which, after all, constitute the great elements of control, 
I feel much responsibility and concern;, its present 
condition and discipline is susceptible of improvement. 

There is an apparent want of energy and efficiency, 
which must arise from either defect in the system or 
want of nerve and vigilance in those who direct it. It 
shall be my aim to remedy these omissions. I shall 
require the strictest accountability from the men, and 
also from the several officers, who shall, in all cases, be 
made responsible for the conduct of the subordinates 
under their command. 

It was thought that making the police hold office 
during good behavior would remove it entirely from 



208 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

political influences. It may have liad sucli an effect, to 
a degree ; but wliilst tlie power to appoint, suspend, and 
remove is political and elective, it will be expecting too 
much of human nature to suppose that political influence 
can be excluded altogether. 

A perfect police system must be founded upon free- 
dom from all influences except those produced by 
merit, arising from a faithful and efficient discharge of 
duty. 

When the generals of an army are periodically sub- 
jected to change, and in some measure by the votes and 
influences of the army itself, it will be almost impossible 
to remove the partisan elements which, at every election, 
are necessarily aroused into activity. 

The whole Pohce Board was elected at the late elec- 
tion, two of the late Board (the Eecorder and City 
Judge) being candidates for reelection ; and policemen 
would have been more or less than men, if they could 
have remained indifferent spectators of the result. 

I am confident the judiciary is not the proper author- 
ity for determining police matters; nor are its members 
qualified, either by habits of life or train of reflection, 
to make good commissioners. The bench and the serv- 
ice would each be benefited by a separation. My col- 
leagues on the present Police Board fully concur in these 
opinions. 

It shall be my aim to impress all connected with the 
pohce, that official merit, and not partisan influence, is 
what is expected of them; and, so far as my power ex- 
tends, it shall be exercised for the entire eradication of 
politics from the department. 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 209 

On the first of January instant, I issued new orders, 
a copy of wliich is annexed, [marked B,] and to which 
I call your attention as developing the principles upon 
which I shall administer the department. In connection 
with this subject, it may be proper for me to add, that 
there has been opened in the Mayor's office, under my 
direction, a book for recording complaints against the 
police, as well as for violations of the ordinances and 
laws, where charges will be entertained, and acted upon 
by me in person. 

The police are required for several purposes other 
than the protection of the public interests of the city, 
for which it should not be obliged to pay. 

There is one squad of the reserve corps detailed for 
the duty of boarding vessels from foreign ports, with 
emigrant passengers, and other service rendered, before 
referred to, which should be paid from the fund of the 
Emigrant Commissioners. Many other policemen are 
stationed at the several railroad depots and ferries, and 
at places of public amusement, by request of the pro- 
prietors, and for the protection of their private interests, 
and not for public purposes. This expense should be 
borne by the parties requiring their services. In Lon- 
don, where the police system is said to be better than 
our own, such is the practice ; and the General Govern- 
ment has adopted the same course with reference to the 
salaries of its Custom-House officers, when acting for 
private convenience or safety. About thirty thousand 
dollars would be thus saved. 

The expense of the police force has attracted atten- 
tion, and it has been properly suggested that it can be 



210 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

used for many public purposes for which the city now 
pays heavily. 

In considering the cost of the police, it should not be 
forgotten that it is almost entirely made up of salaries. 
This department disburses little money for any other 
purpose. It makes no contracts, and procures no sup- 
plies ; and is confined to the disbursement of such sums, 
for compensation to the officers and men, as have been 
fixed by the Common Council. Be it more or less, no 
officer connected with it is in any way responsible. It 
is true that much duty, now performed by subordinates 
under other departments, can be performed by the po- 
lice, without impairing its efficiency. My direction has 
already been given to the patrolmen to act as street- 
inspectors, and to report, through their officers, to me 
every instance when the contractor fails to clean the 
streets within his district. They have also been required 
to report all excavations made under the side- walks or 
streets, by builders or others — the object of which is to 
supply information to the Commissioner of Streets, by 
which he can collect the legal claims of the city for ap- 
propriating to private use any portion of the streets. 

If my recommendation of consolidating all business 
appertaining to streets into one department is carried 
out, many collateral branches can be put under the 
Pohce Department, without any detriment to it what- 
ever. 

There is no question that the several duties of police- 
men are entirely too light, in view of the necessity of 
materially lessening the number of public officers. 

It is for you to legislate upon this recommendation, 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 211 

and you will find me ready to enforce its practical opera- 
tion." 

Nor were the policemen left uninformed as to wliat 
was expected from them; for on the same day he 
instructs them thus : 

" I have this day assumed the office of head of the 
Police Department of this city, and shall expect and 
require adherence to its rules and regulations. In your 
hands is placed the care of the property and lives, as 
well as the order, peace, and outward moral deportment 
of the whole community. 

Though you can not extirpate vice, you can do much 
to suppress it. Vigilance and an honest discharge of 
your duties, will not only enable the people to pay more 
for your protection by reducing the expense which crune 
produces, but add to the respectability of your position 
and to the security of its continuance. There is now 
dissatisfaction in the public mind with the apparent 
inefficiency of the police. There should be no cause for 
it ! Let there be none ! Your duties are light ; the pay 
not illiberal ; your social standing good ; and the term 
for which appointed, renders you independent of the 
contingencies to which the operative and other laboring 
classes are subjected. You hold positions of trust and 
honor to which the pride and ambition of any man need 
not be ashamed to aspire. 

It is made my duty to see the laws faithfully executed; 
you are to be my aids in effecting this. I can not look 
over the whole city to see that all is right ; but you can 
for me. I rely upon you. You are to be the eyes through 



212 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

which, the theatre of my duties is to be observed, and 
the messengers to convey to me, through your officers, 
faithful and truthful reports. 

In addition to the rules and regulations now in force 
in the Department, and the several directions therein, 
you are requested to take note of and comply with the 
following : 

It is hereby made your duty to report every day, when 
on duty, to your commanding officer, the following in- 
formation ; and an omission to do so, and to conform to 
every requirement of this circular, will be deemed dis- 
obedience, and punished as such. 

To report every street uncleaned in your patrol. 

Every unlicensed public house for the sale of hquor. 

Every public house kept open on the Sabbath. 

Every house of prostitution. 

Every gambling-house. 

Every street not lighted at the proper hour. 

Every street or side-walk encumbered, and the party 
or parties offending. 

Every excavation made under the side-walks or streets, 
by builders or others. 

Every nuisance, and the party offending. 

Every supposed dereliction by any officer of the Cor- 
poration. 

Every violation of the city ordinances. 

You are further directed to disperse all gatherings of 
men or boys at the corners of the streets, or other public 
places, on the Sabbath, where disorder is produced. 

To enforce the closing of public houses on the Sabbath 
day. 



THE POLICE CHAPTEK. 213 

To protect the stranger or emigrant firom extortion or 
imposition. 

To remove from the streets all beggars, and direct 
them to the several public and private institutions cre- 
ated for their relief. 

To see that the ordinances for the removal of snow 
and ice from the side- walks and gutters be promptly 
complied with. 

You are further directed to arrest for creating riot or 
breaches of the peace. 

For being intoxicated and disorderly in the street. 

For injuring private or public property. 

For stopping the free passage of the cross-walks by 
cartmen, coachmen, or others. 

For throwing offal, garbage, vegetables, and rubbish 
in the streets. 

For offences of any kind against the laws. 

Your faithful compliance with these directions is 
requested. Let no consideration induce you to omit one 
of them. 

You have now a determined chief officer, who will 
not be indifferent to a single dereliction of duty upon 
the part of those for whose conduct he is responsible to 
the community. 

And further, for the observance of the Sunday laws, 
he, under date of Feb. 15, bids the captains "continue 
the utmost vigilance in preserving the quiet, good order, 
and peace of the Sabbath day. The aid you have ren- 
dered me," says he, '' so far in accomplishing these great 
reforms, is appreciated, not only by myself, but by the 



214 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

whole community. "Without your hearty cooperation I 
could do nothing. 

In addition to your usual Sunday liquor report, 
please make returns of any daguerreotype-rooms, cloth- 
ing-stores, or other business places, illegally open on 
Sunday, within your district. It is my determination to 
make this city as distinguished for 'the orderly, peaceful, 
and placid character of its streets upon the Sabbath, as 
it has heretofore been, on that day, for every thing that 
was objectionable and shocking to the moral sense of 
the people. To accomplish this improvement, I must 
have your constant vigilance and faithful obedience to 
orders." 

But Mr. Wood's idea of exclusive control of the 
police, aroused partisan fear and opposition. 

This man is rather too absolute, was the first recalci- 
tory sound heard, dim grumbling in the distance. He 
has too much power, with this police of his, and il faut 
changer tout cela. Let us get a bill passed by our in- 
spired men at Albany — a new Police Bill, which will 
strip this on-going man of his authority. And they who 
grumbled thus went diligently to work and lobbied for 
that enactment. 

But Fernando Wood, courageous, energetic, persist- 
ent as he is, nevertheless refused absolutely to fight 
without arms, to labor without tools. And so he gave 
the inspired men at Albany to understand that, if they 
took from him his sword and his bow, he would have 
the honor of depositing his commission at the feet of 
that people who gave it to him, respectfully but with 
characteristic firmness, declining any more to be officer 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 215 

of theirs. To state this clearly, the attempt against him, 
and his own resolute will in the matter, he, on the 6th 
of March, 1855, wrote to Lieut. -Governor Eaymond the 
letter here annexed : 

Having assumed the office of Mayor with a determination to dis- 
charge its duties with a single eye to the public interests, it is impos- 
sible for me to remain indifferent to a proposition which, if passed, 
will strike the death-blow to all my efforts, however feeble, to remove 
the shocking evils which have grown out of past misgovernraent. 
Though opposed to granting special acts for the benefit of individuals 
or classes, I am willing to yield almost every thing before giving up 
the only safeguard we possess for the preservation of the peace and 
the property and the lives of our people. Give up all, but give us 
the police. The police, as now organized under its present system, 
is efficient. As a whole, it not only seconds my efiforts, but it has 
been the main instrument by which hearly every reform projected by 
me has been carried through. The closing of the liquor shops on the 
Sabbath has been principally produced by the vigilance of the police 
in obedience to my orders. To fully comprehend the results of this 
triumpli over one of the greatest sources of vice and crime in this 
city, it is only necessary to refer to the number of arrests on the Sab- 
bath in 1854, as compared with the arrests on the same day, thus far, 
in 1855. 

The following tabular statement, from official records, is reliable : 







AEEKSTS ON 


SUNDAYS, 1854. 








Jan. 1,.. 


..206 


Apr. 2,.... 76 


July 2,.., 


..162 


Oct. 1,.. 


.. 95 


" 8,.. 


.. 63 


" 9 112 


" 9,... 


..180 


" 8, . 


..127 


" 15,.. 


.. 83 


" 16,.... 71 


« 16,.. 


..143 


" 15,.. 


..123 


'« 22,.. 


.. 85 


" 23,.... 124 


« 28,.., 


..132 


" 22,.. 


..120 


" 29,.. 


.. 70 


" 80,.... 133 


" 30,... 


,.117 


« 29,.. 


..118 


Feb. 5,.. 


..131 • 


May 7,.... 141 


Aug. 6,... 


.164 


Nov. 5,.. 


.105 


" 12,.. 


..131 


" 14,.... 136 


" 13,... 


.149 


" 12, . . 


.. 56 


" 19,.. 


..112 


" 21,... 136 


" 20,... 


..184 


" 19,.. 


..133 


" 2G,.. 


.. 77 


" 28,.... 121 


." 27,.., 


..138 


" 26,.. 


..110 


Mar. 5,.. 


... 97 


June 4, ... 160 


Sept 3,.. 


..168 


Dec. 8,.. 


.. 71 


" 12,:. 


..140 


" 11, ...139 


" 10,.., 


..112 


" 10,.. 


.. 8T 


" 19,., 


...100 


" 18,.... 130 


" 17,.. 


..126 


" 17,.. 


.103 


" 26,., 


...116 


" 25, ...141 


" 24,.. 


..146 


" 24,.. 
" 31,.. 


.. 78 
..112 



216 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 







AREE8TS ON SUNDAYS, 1855. 








Jan. 7,.. 


.. 5S 


Jan.21,.... 46 Feb. 4,... 


. 83 


Feb. IS,.. 


.. 60 


« 14,.. 


.. 65 


" 28 41 " 11,... 


. 35 


" 25,.. 


.. 47 



By this it will appear, that, in the first eight Sabbaths of 1854, 
the arrests were 878 as against 338 for the same period in 1855. To 
appreciate this, under my administration, the increased vigilance and 
activity of the police must be considered. If, with the lax discipline 
existing in January and February, 1854, there were arrested on the 
Sundays in those months, 878 offenders, what would there have been 
under the new regulations and more stringent administration now exist- 
ing? But if from any supposed cause other reasons can be found than 
the closing of the public houses, for so great a difference between the 
two years, refer to the eight Sundays immediately preceding the com- 
mencement of my term, and it will be seen that the arrests were 855 iu 
November and December, 1854, and only, as before stated, 338 for the 
two following months — January and February, 1855. Comment on 
these figures is unnecessary. The obvious deductions are, that the abo- 
lition of liquor-selling on Sunday, together with the present improved 
condition of the police, are productive of morality and destructive of 
disorder, vice and crime ; and these results have been mainly effected 
through the extreme devotion of the police to my orders, and this de- 
votion to my orders is the consequence of its present discipline, pro- 
duced by the unrestricted power I now hold over it. 

Other similar reforms have been effected in the same manner, the 
consequence of the same cause ; but this is sufficient to show conclu- 
sively that the police, as now organized and controlled, is rapidly im- 
proving, and will soon become second to no similar corps in the 
world, which is not directly under military rule. This improvement 
has been accomplished under the present system, which, though not 
perfect, is far preferable to that now before the Legislature. 

That bill proposes that there shall be elected by the people four 
Commissioners of Police, who, with the Mayor, ex officio, shall con- 
stitute a Board to sit daily in a room to be provided by the Common 
Council, and, of course, at an hour when the Mayor can not be pre- 
sent, and who shall, through a President to be selected by themselves, 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 217 

from their own number, have full and unrestricted control over the 
whole department, even to the issuing of orders, notices, etc., to the 
police. 

The Commissioners are to be elected by the people. It will not 
do to assume that the members of the Legislature are ignorant of the 
mode of conducting our primary elections in this city, by dwelling 
upon the objections to this way of making commissioners who are to 
be clothed with the important power of appointing, trying, punish- 
ing, and removing policemen in whose hands are placed the custody 
of the peace, order, property, and lives of nearly three quarters of a 
million of inhabitants. There are some propositions so evident, that 
no argument or statements are required to elucidate them ; that a 
police system founded upon this principle, deriving its appointment 
from this source, will be destructive to every semblance of what con- 
stitutes police, is one of these. But admitting the elective principle 
without objection, the withdrawal of power from the Mayor, contem- 
plated by the bill, can not be defended. 

The scattering of authority among Fire Commissioners, is of 
itself bad enough, inasmuch as it destroys that unity of executive 
authority, without which no good government can exist in this city, 
with its present hybrid population ; but to take from the chief magis- 
trate, whose duty it is made to see the laws executed, and who is 
responsible to the people, control over the police, is if possible, yet 
worse. 

It is true the bill contains one section that the Mayo» shall be 
"Head of the Police Department," but this is a contemptible false- 
hood, unworthy of a place in any statute. To declare that any offi- 
cer shall be the head of a department, when deprived by another 
section of every thing that constitutes authority over it, is as absurd 
in theory as it is insulting to the common sense of the people, 
who it thus seeks to deceive into a belief of its possible practica- 
bility. 

So far, I have made myself useful in the office of Mayor. My 
success in removing many evils, and in the introduction of reforms of 
great benefit, has exceeded my expectations. 
10 



218 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

I desire to go on unmolested and unrestricted in the use of the 
weapons by which crime has been punished, vice prevented, and mu- 
nicipal abuses abolished. When these are taken from me, ray use- 
fulness is destroyed. Without tools, no mechanic can construct, and 
without a police, no magistrate can perform his duty. 

Pass this bill, and the liquor-shops will soon be again opened on 
Sunday, and all the other evils which have so long affected us, and 
from which we are now happily being relieved, will soon be restored, 
and render this great and beautiful city a disgrace to the American 
name. 

Vv'hen this comes, the people must find some other occupant for 
the Mayoralty chair. I shall cease to hold it when deprived of the 
means to carry out the reforms which I have begun, and, so far, have 
been successful in accomplishing. 

So the inspired men at Albany were good enough not 
to pass that bill, and Fernando Wood went on. 

It also struck New- Yorkers about this time, that pos- 
sibly the city Police interested them fully as much as it 
could the member from Cataraugus or the citizens of 
Desdemona. They begged to have a say in this matter, 
and on Friday, March 22, 1855, there was convened at 
the Tabernacle such a meeting as has seldom been seen 
anywhere. On the platform sat the representatives of 
at least ffty milUoyis of dollars ; the oldest and greatest 
merchants of the city ; three of Mr. Wood's predeces- 
sors in the Mayoralty, even Mr. Horace Greeley, Editor- 
Proprietor of the New- York Tribune. All these har- 
moniously and gratefully thanked Mayor Wood for serv- 
ices already done, and expressed confidence in him for 
the future. 

These were the officers of that meeting : 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 



219 



PRESIDENT. 
George Griswold. 



VICE-PRESIDENTS. 



"Wm, B. Astor, 
Peter Lorillard, 
Wm. B. Crosby, 
Thomas Suffern, 
Cornelius W. Lawrence, 
Hugh Maxwell, 
Luther Bradish, 
George W. Blunt, 
J. "Watson Webb, 
Wilson G. Hunt, 
Cyrus Curtis, 
Wm. H. Webb, 
Robert Kelly, 
Wm. K. Strong, 
Jonathan I. Coddington, 
Wm. W. Evarts, 
James Harper, 
C. Yanderbilt, 
Charles GConnok, 
Gen. Chas. W. Sandford, 
James W. Gerard, 
Daniel Lord, 
John Delamater, 
Daniel B. Fearing, 
Zophar Mills, 
J. W. Alsop, 

JONATH.AN StURGES, 

John J. Palmer, 
Peter Cooper, 
Robert B. Minturn, 
Moses Taylor, 



James Lenox. 
Stephen Whitney, 
William Kent, 
Wm. F. Havemeyer, 
Ambrose C. Kingsland, 
Jacob A. Westervelt, 
Benjamin L. Swan, 
•John C. Green, 
Horace Greeley, 
James W. Barker, 
Benjamin F. Butler, 
Shepherd Knapp, 
Isaac Newton, 
Gerard Stuyvesant, 
J. Philips Phcenix, 
Samuel B. Ruggles, 
John L. Mason, 
Welcome R. Beebe, 
Thomas B. Stillmax, 
Henry A. Smythe, 
Charles King, 
George J. Cornell, 
Charles H. Russel, 
Thomas Tileston, 
Walter R. Jones, 
Edwin Hoyt, 
John A. Stevens, 
James Boorman, 
Pelatiah Perit, 
James Brown, 
George Douglass, 
James Lee. 



220 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 



SECRETARIES. 

John L. Aspinwall, Robert Goodhue, 

Joshua J. ILenry, George Griswold, Jr., 

Robert Olyphant. 

And these were their sentiments : 

Mr. E. B. MiNTURN said lie was glad to enter his 
protest against any change in the present police system. 
Our chief magistrate, he said, has thus far discharged 
his duty nobly. (Applause.) It will be time enough 
for us to ask a restriction of that power when he abuses 
it. (Loud applause.) The Mayor ought to be the active 
head of the police. (Enthusiastic applause.) Why? 
Because on him is thrown the responsibility of execut- 
ing the laws. If, therefore, you will not give him 
power to execute the laws, how can you call upon him 
and say, why does not the Mayor execute that and that 
ordinance ? The proposed bill creates only four commis- 
sioners, but I am told there is already trouble in the 
camjD, for whenever a body of men propose to do wrong 
there is always a screw geting loose. There are so many 
political cormorants who want pay, that they have got to 
increase the commissioners from four to six, and there 
are now forty aspirants putting forth their claims to the 
ofi&ce at $3000 a year. This law cuts off the Mayor's 
head by providing that the commissioners shall appoint 
one of their own number to preside over them. Give 
the Eecorder and City Judge a thousand doUars a year 
extra, and you may depend they will not find their 
work burdensome. The Mayor does not find it burden- 
some ; he works for eight hours a day, and so far, he has 



THE POLICE CHAPTEE. 221 

worked well and admirably. (Great cheering.) When 
I found the Mayor was elected, I wrote him a note ten- 
dering my whole service to aid him. in executing the law. 
That's the kind of politician I am. Throughout his 
whole career I shall give him my support as far as I am 
able. 

Mr. HoxiE said, I speak on behalf of 6756 residents 
of the First, Second and Third wards. These are the 
notes of my speech (exhibiting a gigantic roll of names.) 
These names are only from the First, Second and Third 
wards, and if we are as successful in the other wards, we 
will give the Legislature at Albany a hint. They had 
better pause before they break down the best police sys- 
tem we ever had. I care not for whose benefit this bill 
is brought forward, and though I have given the strength 
of my manhood to the Whig party, if the legislators at 
Albany pass this bill, I have given the last Whig vote I 
shall ever give in my life. (Loud and long-continued 
applause.) This paper contains the residences of its 
signers. They have local habitations as well as names. 
(The gentleman here unrolled the petition.) The other 
end of this, I believe, is in the Eighteenth ward. (Laugh- 
ter and great applause.) 

The following is the remonstrance : 



REMONSTRANCE, BY THE CITIZENS OF NEW-YORK, 
AGAINST ANY CHAJN-QE IN THE POLICE SYSTEM. 

The undersigned, citizens of New- York, without regard to political 
distinction, beg leave to represent that we are satisfied with the or- 
ganization of the police of this city, under the act of 1853, and of 
its increased respectability and efficiency under the control of the 



■22!^ BIOGKAPHY OF FEENAKDO WOOD. 

Mayor, Recorder, and City Judge, our three highest magistrates, and 
we strongly deprecate any change in the law, by which the safety of 
our persons and the protection of our property shall be taken away 
from those responsible magistrates, and placed in the hands of private 
persons, as commissioners, at large salaries, to be nominated by poli- 
tical committees chosen at packed primary meetings, of which body 
the Mayor would, by virtue of his office, be but a mere nominal 
member. 

We apprehend that such a change in the law would convert the 
whole Police Department into a political organization, which would 
be destructive of its independence and respectability, and of the ener- 
gies of the officers and men ; and that instead of devoting their whole 
time and attention to the enforcement of the laws, they would be- 
come political partisans, and be tempted, by designing politicians, to 
sell their influence and power to the political party which should 
offer the strongest inducements for its support. 

We respectfully represent, that the members of the Legislature at 
large are interested with us in the moral character and good govern- 
ment of our city, comprising one fifth of the population of the State, 
and that their constituents, on their visits to our city on business or 
pleasure, peculiarly require the protection of a vigilant and energetic 
police. We, therefore, respectfully beg leave to remonstrate against 
any change whatever in the present system ; but respectfully ask the 
Legislature to let the Police law of 1853 remain as it is. 

Xew-York, March^ 1855. 

Mr. Pelatiah Perit moved the adoption of the fol- 
lowing resolution : 

Resolved, That the remonstrance which has been circulated exten- 
sively by the citizens of Xew-York, be approved and adopted by this 
meeting, and that it be transmitted to both Houses of the Legislature 
by the presiding officer of this meeting. 

My only motive, lie said, for saying a word, is to bear 
testimony to the singular unanimity with which the bill 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 223 

at Albany lias been resisted. I have found but two in- 
dividuals wlio do not unite Avitli us ; but tbej, in a silent 
way, admitted tbat party connections tied tlieir bands. 
There can be no doubt that under the present police sys- 
tem, our condition in New- York has been decidedly im- 
proved. Under our present chief magistrate it has been 
found that the laws can be successfully administered. 
(Cheers.) Just at this moment we are arrested by a pro- 
position which will effectually remove all that is good in 
New- York, and substitute what is bad. Let the gentle- 
men at Albany stand notified, that if all our interests 
are to be sacrificed, they will lose our adhesion, for we 
will not follow in their train. (Cheers.) 

Mr. Stillman, of the Novelty "Works, was the next 
speaker. I rise, he said, to represent the mechanics of 
New- York, in resisting the bill now before the Legisla- 
ture. We have at the head of our Police Department a 
good and efficient man ; let us give him proper tools to 
work with. This is the unanimous sentiment of the 
mechanics of New- York. (Cheers.) 

Three cheers were then given for the Mayor, after 
which, the meeting dissolved. 

It is needless to say that the proposed bill was crushed 
back into the nothingness from which it had sprung. 
What further was in the Mayor's mind, he expresses in 
the following letter to James W. Gerard, Esq. : 

Mayor's Office, New- York, Thursdai/, April 5, 1855. 

Dear Sir : Your esteemed favor of 4tli inst. is received. I can 

not conceive that any thing in my messages to the Common Council, 

which have been referred to, can be construed into an approval of 

either of the propositions made at Albany, this winter, to amend tJie 



224 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

present law relating to the police of this city. It is true that in both 
the inauo-ural and recommendatory messages, allusion is made to the 
present police system as defective ; but it is as plainly and distinctly 
sets forth, as well as can be, that the defects lay in the restriction of 
the powers of the Mayor, as the head of the Police Department, and 
not that he held too much power, as is the theory of the proposition 
now before the Senate. In the first of these documents this position 
is plainly asserted, when I say, "though ostensibly head of the Police 
Department, he is not so practically, in the essential element of au- 
thority — that of controlling the retention or removal of his own sub- 
ordinates. The Chief of Police holds his place independent of the 
Mayor, that officer having been appointed during " good behavior," 
by the late Mayor and Board of Commissioners, under the law of 
1853, which they construed to give that authority. He can not, 
solus, appoint or remove the humblest subordinate in the service, nor 
make the rules and regulations for its governance. Of these requisites 
of power, so necessary to make an efficient police corps, he is by law 
deprived. Discipline can only be obtained and maintained by the 
firm hand of unrestricted power ; besides, it is wrong in principle, to 
make any public officer responsible for the acts of subordinates who 
are placed beyond his individual power to remove." 

Here is a complaint of the want of power of the Mayor over the 
department ; that he should not divide it with others ; that he is 
responsible for the conduct of the police, and hence should govern it ; 
that two commissioners who can outvote him and control the appoint- 
ments and removals, should not be placed beside him to manage it. 
To leave no doubt as to these being my views then, as now, I quote 
again from the recommendatory message of January 11, 1855: 

" This department of the city government is placed more directly 
under the personal supervision of the Mayor than others ; and, in 
assuming its direction, with the restricted power as to appointment 
and removal, which, after all, constitute the great elements of control, 
I feel much responsibility and concern." 

And again, still carrying out the idea that there should be but one 
head and one power of appointment and removal, and that the two 
judges who now form part of the Board of Commissioners should be 



THE POLICE CHAPTEE. 225 

taken away, and leave all to the Mayor, the following passage 
occurs : 

" I am confident the judiciary is not the proper authority for deter- 
mining police matters ; nor are its members qualified, either by habits 
of life or train of reflection, to make good commissioners. The bench 
and the service would each be benefited by a separation. My col- 
leagues on the present Police Board fully concur in these opinions." 

The whole theory of my views of executive government of every 
character, so far as this city is concerned, is one head. I am satisfied 
no good government can exist in a city like this, containing so many 
thousands of the turbulent, the vicious, and the indolent, without a 
chief officer with necessary power to see to the faithful execution of 
the laws, for the protection of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness. No inconsiderable portion of our population think that repub- 
licanism consists in the absence of law and government. 

The bill now before the Senate proposes to create three commis- 
sioners, who, with the Mayor, ex officio, are to form a Board, who are 
to possess all the powers now held by the present Board. The com- 
missioners are to be elected by the people for the exclusive purpose of 
making and unmaking policemen. Now, though opposed to dividing 
the power of the Mayor over the police, with any other officers, still, 
if the principle is to be tolerated, better that high judicial officers, 
who are elected judges, and whose duties as commissioners are inci- 
dent to their duties upon the bench, should be his associates, than 
men who will be chosen for the purpose under the primary election 
system now in vogue. Great is the difiereuce between Police Com- 
missioners taken from high judicial positions, and Police Commis- 
sioners made by the tools of party, reeking from the stews of sin and 
iniquity, which at present have so much influence over party machin- 
ery. How far the lives and prosperity, and the order and decency of 
the people of this city will be protected under a Board emanating 
from a source of this character, there can be no difficulty in divining. 
The Senate's proposition is to lessen my power over the police, 
whereas I have a:^ked for its increase. My message can not be con- 
strued into any other position. I never used any other language. 
Instead of giving to the Mayor that strength which a full exercise of 
10* 



22^ BIOGRAPHY OF FEEKANDO WOOD. 

the duties of Chief Magistrate of this city should possess, and without 
which there can not be the necessary vigor and independence, it is 
proposed by this bill to take away power, to decentralize it, instead 
of concentrating it in him, by placing three active politicians along- 
side of him, to annoy and worry him into a compliance with their 
party behests. It is not too much to add, that the department would 
soon be filled with men chosen for partisan services and not personal 
fitness, and the power that placed them in office would protect them 
against the Mayor afterwards. Not only is the election of Police 
Commissioners, as such, exclusively for this duty, objectionable, but 
the mode of the election under this bill is yet more so. 

It provides that after the expiration of the terms of those named 
in the act, there are to be chosen two at every election, by taking 
the two candidates who receive the highest number of votes, in the 
same manner as the Governoi^' of the Alms-house are selected. The 
alleged ground for this mode is, to secure a balance of partisan inter- 
est in the Board ; because, as it is said, each party will be sure to 
elect a man, and hence parties will be divided. Now, even admitting 
that such would be its efiect — which it will not, as there are at least 
four political parties in this city — and of course to do this it would 
be necessary to elect four commissioners. Yet the theory of the 
mode is wrong, inasmuch as it secures the election of a commissioner 
who has been rejected by the people. The second highest would be 
really and in fact discarded, as unfit to be intrusted with the import- 
ant and delicate duties devolving upon the office. It is proposed to 
take this repudiated candidate and give him a seat at a Board, with 
as full powers as the Mayor himself, and in fact to control the action 
of the Board itself, over the Mayor, even against his efforts to protect 
the city — it may be from the very interests this commissioner repre- 
sents. 

Suppose the gamblers, lottery men, and houses of prostitution com- 
bine to elect Police Commissioners ; who can say, that if not success- 
ful in electing both, they would not at least secure the second highest, 
and consequently force upon us an agent to secure the protection of 
their peculiar interests? Another no less serious objection is the 
naming of executive officers in a bill by the Legislature. This is a 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 227 

clear encroachment upon the executive by the legislative branch. 
The Government of this State is separated into the Judicial, Legis- 
lative, and Executive. These divisions are defined by the Constitu- 
tion, not only of New- York, but of the United States, as well as 
every State in the Union. One branch has no constitutional right 
to interfere with either of the others. The Legislature, in my judg- 
ment, can have no legal authority to perform executive duties, any 
more than it can judicial duties. And here let me say, that if the 
liberties of this country are ever betrayed, it will be by legislative 
assumptions, and not by judicial or executive tyranny. In our own 
State, the Legislature at Albany brings with it dread and alarm 
whenever it commences. For years the property of individuals and 
the rights of municipal corporations have been trampled upon in its 
acts. Total disregard has been shown to vested rights, and every 
other safeguard which in former times could procure protection, and 
so bold has become this innovation, that there is now pending a bill 
to overrule a recent decision of the Supreme Court. Indeed, the 
other departments of Government have sunk into a mere inferior con- 
dition, from which appeal is had to the Legislature, always with suc- 
cess, if the usual appliances are employed. The people must watch 
these encroachments. It is not only this city, but every other section 
of the State removed far from the capital, that is subjected to this 
wrong. If the city of New-York, within four hours of Albany, and 
in hourly communication, suffers so much from these legislative frauds 
how is it with the agricultural and manufacturing interests in the 
interior, which in some cases are removed far from the danger, and 
without means to be continually informed of its approach. This bill 
names persons to do executive duty. If this can be, why not abolish 
our courts, and name commissions as boards of referees to act mstead ? 
Why not, in short, give up all to the two Houses of the Legislature, 
and permit them to absorb the other branches of government, which 
by the Constitution are placed independent of the law-making power, 
as the law-making power is of them. By reference to my message, 
you will see this evil more fally exposed. 

These and other reasons which time will not permit a reference to, 
will prevent my giving support to the Senate proposition. I ;iui 



228 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

against it in all its length and breadth, and though concurring in 
some of the provisions of the amendments to the charter proposed, I 
would reject the whole rather than appear to recognize the fatal prin- 
ciples declared, affecting our police system. 

In reply to what is stated of my political proclivities, and the asser- 
tion that I am using, or intend to use, the police for personal or par- 
tisan purposes, it is scarcely necessary to allude. The position I hold 
in public estimation is not the result of party machinery. As a 
magistrate and chief executive officer of this city, I know no party, 
and recognize no political obligations. The principles which govern 
my administration are not in keeping with the practices of any party 
of the day, whatever may be their professions before election. And, 
though claiming no originality of ideas, yet the practical application 
of principles of government so long professed, but never practised, is 
a novel procedure in a public officer, and puzzles the leaders wonder- 
fully. Hence I am at no loss to divine why partisan designs should 
be attributed to me, by men who can not understand that popular 
applause can be obtained in any other way than by political trickery, 
or the declamations of the demagogue. I understand my own posi- 
tion fully. Without egotism, permit me to say that I am fully con- 
scious of a place in public esteem far beyond and above any party, 
and to add the belief, that if a candidate for the office of Mayor to- 
morrow, the people would not desert me, if every political organiza- 
tion in the city were to combine in opposition. Therefore, is it 
necessary for me to act the part of the mere politician, and by prosti- 
tuting the whole Police Department to political purposes, to jeopard 
this position ? Can any party make me so swerve from duty and a 
proper sense of personal security, as to throw away the good opinion 
of nearly all my fellow-citizens whose support is worth having ? This 
can never be ! The same principles and acts which have given me 
the confidence of the community, will enable me to hold it down to 
the close of my administration. Of this I have no fears. The danger 
to the public lies not in any relaxation or dereliction upon my part, 
nor in my improper use of the police, but in the passage of this bill. 
The police has been the main instrument by which I have been en- 
abled to perform the acts which have secured public approval. Take 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 229 

it away, and the horrors of bad government will return upon us four- 
fold, and it will be difficult then to combat the assertion which will 
be made, that as head of the Department, (although stripped of the 
power,) I have been derelict and have deviated from the present pol- 
icy. Is it uncharitable to add, that some such design may have influ- 
enced the projectors of this scheme — that its authors suppose that 
whilst the people will continue to hold me to a strict accountability 
for the maintenance of the reforms initiated and sustained, they would 
at the same time forget that the means by which they have been effected 
were taken away, and thus demand a continuation of reform after all 
power of enforcing them had ceased? This opinion of the intelligence 
of the people, though not very flattering, is consistent with the mo- 
tives which have evidently dictated this measure. 

The warmth of expression of this letter may offend — my language 
may appear as if emanating from excitement, which is not the fact. 
It is true, I feel deeply these efforts to deprive me of the means by 
which any improvement in our city is effected. No man but myself 
can appreciate the critical state of our social condition, if the author- 
ities are deprived of control of the only means of preventing dangers 
of a far more serious character than have ever before threatened us. I 
am no alarmist, but believe me sincere when I tell you that, in my 
opinion, New-York can only be saved from a rule of corruption 
engendered by the devotees of the three great vices, namely, intem- 
perance, gaming, and debauchery, but by the strong one-man power, 
who, with a bold and fearless hand, can command the entire police 
force without hindrance or molestation. My many pressing duties 
have not permitted me time to do justice to this subject. This letter 
is hastily written, and full of imperfections, but without reference to 
its style or matter, receive it as the honest protest of your friend and 
fellow-citizen. Fernando Wood. 

P. S. — In answer to your request as to the publication of this 
letter, you may do so, provided you deem my views of sufficient pub- 
lic interest. F. W. 

To James "W. Gerard, Esq. 

The preposterous Police bill was, as we have seen, 



280 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

thrown out, but the spirit that had given rise to it was 
still alive here, and strove to work out, by means of 
"small annoyances, the end which the frustrated bill had 
in view. 

Councilmen wanted a list of all detailed policemen, 
and a history of their missions; Aldermen desired a 
report of all police appointments since Mr. "Wood's elec- 
tion. The first he grants, notifying that eminent body, 
however, that they are interfering with what is no busi- 
ness of theirs ; that they have no right to ask, but are 
indebted to the information which he gives them simply 
to his courtesy. But to the Aldermen he says, that 
they are entirely overstepping their limits, and that he 
respectfully, but very positively declines to give them 
that information which they have no right to ask for. 

"lb the Honorable the Board of Councilmen: 

Gentlemen : I inclose herewith a statement of ' the 
number of detailed policemen in the city, together with 
the name of each policeman so detailed, the place or 
places at which he is detailed, the nature of the service 
to be performed by him at such place or places, and the 
length of time per day, and what part of the day such 
policeman is engaged in his duties,' as called for from 
the Board of Police Commissioners, by a resolution of 
the Common Council, emanating in your Board. 

This information is furnished by myself, as Mayor, 

•without admitting the right of the Common Council to 

require it. It is the exclusive privilege of the Mayor, 

as head of the Police Department, to detail policemen 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 231 

without responsibility to any body, not even to the Board 
of Police Commissioners itself. 

By special laws of the State, and by the charter, the 
organization and regulating of the police force is placed 
under the management and control of a Board of Com- 
missioners, consisting of the Mayor, Kecorder, and City 
Judge. 

The Common Council of this city is given, by no act 
of the Legislature, nor by the charter, or any amend- 
ment to it, any jurisdiction wha,tever over the manage- 
ment, direction, or personnel of this department. 

Beyond the necessary legislation required in voting 
supplies, such as station-houses, etc, it has nothing what- 
ever to do with it. It can not appoint the Commission- 
ers, nor take any part in the appointment, trial, or 
removal of policemen, nor interfere with the rules and 
regulations adopted by them for its government. It 
has no power over this department whatever, so far as 
the direction and exercise of its ofS.cial duties are con- 
cerned. 

But admitting the right of the Common Council to 
call for the information asked in the resolution referred 
to, it has applied to the wrong officers ; the detailing of 
policemen being a prerogative resting exclusively in the 
Mayor, by State law, the Board of Commissioners, as 
such, having nothing to do with it whatever. The 
Mayor makes all the detailments, except officers detailed 
by the captains, in a few of the wards, who act as dock- 
masters, etc. 

The present Mayor recognizes no authority in the 
Common Council, or in any other quarter, to supervise 



282 BIOGKAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

his conduct in the discharge of this duty. He will per- 
form it for the public benefit, as he understands it, with- 
out being influenced by any action taken elsewhere, 
having for its object an interference with the course he 
may adopt with reference to it. The proper eflS.ciency 
of this corps is dependent upon discipline, which can 
be obtained and maintained only by the firm hand of 
unrestricted power, entirely exempt jfrom outside influ- 
ences. 

The Mayor desires to be left unmolested in his exer- 
tions to improve this important branch of the public 
service, which has been wisely placed entirely under him. 
He is fully conscious of the responsibilities of the trust ; 
and whilst ever ready to impart information to the Com- 
mon Council, which may be required to enlighten it in 
the discharge of its legislative duties, he will also protect 
the department, of which he is the head and over which 
by law he has (with his associates) sole control, from 
any efibrts to subvert this authority, and thus impair 
the subordination so essential to the well-being of the 
poHce force. Information concerning it can not be' 
required by the Common Council for the purpose of 
legislation, because it has no power to legislate at all in 
the premises. 

I have deemed it proper to state frankly my position 
on this subject, that it may not be misunderstood or 
misconstrued in giving the information now called for. 

It is not my wish to refuse any inquiry into the mode 
of conducting this department. The whole policy of 
my administration has been to throw all the executive 
offices open to public scrutiny. Investigation can never 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 233 

prove injurious to a properly conducted public office, 
thoilgh there are many reasons why a large police force, 
governed by stringent rules affectirig its discipline, and 
under the control of one head, should not be subjected 
to outside agitating influences, foreign to its command, 
and unacquainted with the domestic regime and the con- 
solidation so necessary to the preservation of proper 
submission to the recognized authority. 

With this brief statement of my views, as to how far 
the Common Council can interfere in the administration 
of the Police Department of this city, without any in- 
tention of treating your authority with disrespect, I 
herewith submit the information called for." 

And afterwards, for further information to the Board 
of Aldermen, July 12, he says : 

"Gentlemex: Your Board passed a resolution on 
the 12th ultimo, Hhat his honor the Mayor be, and he 
is hereby requested to furnish, for the information of 
this Board at its next meeting, to-morrow afternoon, the 
13th instant, a hst of all appointments made in the 
PoHce Department since the 1st day of January last, de- 
signating them by wards ; together ^vith the names of 
all policemen whose terms of office have expired and 
were not reappointed, and also the names of all pohce- 
men removed,' which could have been rephed to imme- 
diately, but for your adjournment until to-day. I now 
have the honor to reply. It would have been sufficient 
for me to have said, in response to this resolution, that 
the appointments and removals in the Pohce Department 
are made by the Board of Police Commissioners, and to 



234' BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

tliat body the inquiry should be addressed. But admit- 
ting that the power to give the information asked 'iB in 
my hands, I respectfully decline giving it, inasmuch as 
it would appear to recognize the right of the Common 
Council to ask it. The right to call upon the several 
executive departments for information, is given by the 
charter to the Mayor and the Common Council, but no 
authority is given to either Board in its separate capacity, 
or both Boards jointly, to call upon the Mayor for infor- 
mation respecting the department, of which, by State law, 
he is made the sole and exclusive head. The object of 
inquiries of this kind, and, indeed, the only ground upon 
which they can be maintained, is to procure information 
for the purpose of legislation, and to furnish to the law- 
making power data to enable it to arrive at correct con- 
clusions. When these are its objects, it should never be 
withheld, and would not be by me, even while denying 
the authority to require it. 

In the present instance, however, no such motive can 
be set up. 

The inquiry now made as to the appointment and re- 
moval of policemen, can not be required to subserve any 
legislative objects ; because the Common Council have no 
power to legislate in the premises. It has no jurisdic- 
tion over the appointing and removing whatever, and 
can take no action which will in the least affect them, 
one way or the other ; therefore, to grant this informa- 
tion can serve no good purpose, whilst an admission of 
the right to ask it, which admits the obligation to give 
it, would be as detrunental to the interests of the De- 
partment as it would be a violation of the charter and 



THE POLICE CHAPTEE. 235 

laws, wliicli wisely place tlie police under a Board of 
Commissioners, who are independent of the Common 
Council in all respects. The reasons for this regulation 
are obvious. The police of a city like New- York should 
be essentially military in its character and discipline ; 
it should possess all the elements of a well-disciplined 
corps, whose chief duty it is to execute with alacrity 
and fiithfnlness the orders issued from head-quarters. 
It should be consolidated — no one part should be hostile 
to the other. All influences attempting to interfere with 
the official regime^ outside of the immediate command, 
should be rejected, as much as would be the attempt of 
the civil authorities in time of war to direct the evolu- 
tions of an army. Military command does not divide 
its authority. However many officers there may be, 
each possessing commanding powers, they are exercised 
by gradation, no two having coordinate powers. There 
is no division of authority — if there were, there would 
be no efficiency. Our police force is founded upon this 
principle. It is military in its uniform, ra its personnel^ 
and in its discipline — in. the mode of issuing orders — 
of individual responsibility, and the nature of its patrol 
duties. In the city's quiet and peace, each policeman is 
a sentinel, properly reviewed and conducted by an offi- 
cer; in time of riot and disorder, it would become an 
army subject to precisely the same tactics, and com- 
manded precisely upon the same military principles. No 
outside power, created for duties of an entirely opposite 
and different character, should be permitted to interpose 
itself between the commanding general of this army and 
the army itself It was a wise provision that the police 



236 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

shoiild be exempt from any interference from tlie legis- 
lative brancli of the City Government ; tliat it slioiild be 
removed from the partisanism, contests and popular in- 
fluences Avhich are continually agitating your own and 
all other political deliberative bodies ; that there should 
be one branch of the public service not liable to de- 
moralising party influences, and tossed to and fro upon 
the wave of political struggles. With the police no sec- 
tional, party or personal interests should be incorporated. 
It is not difficult to see that in a city like New-York 
the most stringent government and laws which the na- 
ture of our institutions will permit are yet too weak to 
do the service which may be demanded in the preserva- 
tion of public order. At any moment the city may be 
thrown for reliance upon this civil military organization. 
This body may alone become the stay and corrective of 
popular violence. 

To meet such a calamity no other force should be 
required. It should always be sufficient to suppress 
attempts to subvert municipal authority. An armed re- 
sistance to an unarmed mob can in no event be necessary 
if the pohce is properly organized, disciphned and com- 
manded. It is my aim to do away with the necessity 
of shedding blood in the preservation ©f the peace of the 
city ; to bring the police to a condition which will enable 
it, under my personal command, without military assist- 
ance, and without taking life, to put do^vn whatever 
force may be raised for resistance to the law. I desire 
to be left alone in these designs, believing myself to be 
the best judge of what is required, and feeling that the 
legislative branch of the Government should rather 



THE POLICE CHAPTEK. 287 

strengthen my power tiian weaken it by introducing a 
belief in the Department that there is a higher authority 
than mine, and a Court of Appeals, to which to apply 
agaiast the subjection incident to the principle by which 
I command. These are the motives which bring me to 
the determination to resist at all hazards any interference 
with the police by any other power whatever. It is 
under my command, by State laws, by action of the 
Commissioners, and by pubhc sentiment, and so long as 
it remains, all attempts to subvert or lessen this authority 
shall be resisted to the end. It will be for the people to 
decide whether I shall be supported in thus upholding 
their interests, by exercising a firm, honest and impar- 
tial administration of the Police Department, and 
whether the improvement already manifest shall con- 
tinue and be sustained by the intelligence and virtue of 
the community." 

These men, so well arranged, are exposed to almost 
every danger ; to constant vicissitudes and iuclemencies 
of the climate, and to the wearing effects of fatigue and 
incessant vigilance. Their sanitary condition is a mat- 
ter of earnest care to their commander, and he provides 
for it on this wise. Says he, under date July the 10th : 

" The good sanitary condition of the police is essential 
to its efficiency. Without health, policemen can not 
properly discharge the required duty. The vigor of 
body, by which he is to sustain the fatigue, and which 
generally imparts physical strength and courage, can not 
be maintained without attention to certain ruks regard- 



238 BIOGEAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

ing regimen, cleanliness, and temperance, and tlie pro- 
fessional care of experienced medical attendants. 

To preserve a healthful condition is a matter of great 
moment, not only to the policeman himself, but to the 
people of the city, iri whose service he is enlisted. 
Whether viewed as a hmnane or as a public economic 
regulation, attention to this subject is of great import- 
ance. The compensation of policemen, though suffi- 
ciently liberal to defray the necessary expenses of living, 
is not enough to provide, in addition, a pecuniary inde- 
pendence, preparatory to the bodily disabilities incident 
to old age. Therefore, humanity dictates that every 
precaution should be taken by the authorities to preserve 
their health. 

It is due alike to their faithfulness as well as to the 
exposures, involving hazard to life and health, to which 
they are continually subjected. 

As a question of money-saving to the city, the proper 
care of the health of policemen is also of moment. The 
expense of the whole Department is not far from one 
million dollars per annum, nearly all of which is for pay 
alone. Heretofore the average number of sick and dis- 
abled has been about fifty per day, out of a force of 
about eleven hundred, being one in twenty-two. This 
proportion is too large. There can be no other reason 
for it than non-attention to sanitary requirements. 
Every man is 'selected with care, as to the soundness of 
his constitution and exemption from physical defects, 
and is to be presumed enters the corps free from ten- 
dency to disease. The interest of the Department is to 
preserve this condition. The difficulty of discriminating 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 239 

between disease which is the result of exposure, whilst 
on active duty, and inherent or pulmonary affections, is 
very great, and it often occurs that services of patrolmen 
are lost for months, thougli they are in receipt of pay 
for the whole period. By law the number is limited. 
If sick or disabled, substitutes are not permitted, and 
thus the force is weakened, though the pay is seldom 
lessened. Hence attention to the healthful state of all 
connected with the Department is demanded by reasons 
of economy, as well as by what is due to the officer him- 
self on philanthropic grounds. 

With these views, I have carefully devised a plan, 
having for its object an improvement in the sanitary 
condition of the whole Department, appertaining to the 
care of the station-houses, as it regards ventilation, clean- 
liness of the rooms and sleepmg apartments ; furnishing 
a sufficient supply at all tunes of medicines, surgical 
instruments, tourniquets, lints, etc. ; an immediate at- 
tention to all invalids, whether becoming sick in the 
discharge of dut}^ or not, and constant medical treatment 
until recovered and fit for duty ; the whole to be under 
the charge of intelligent, experienced practitioners, -with- 
out an}" expense to the police whatever. 

I propose to divide the whole Department into seven 
surgical districts, each district to be under the charge of 
a resident physician. There shall be a surgeon-general, 
whose station shall be at the office of the Chief of Po- 
lice, and whose duty it shall be to be at that office every 
day, at such hours as may be thought necessary by the 
Mayor, for the purpose of receiving and acting upon 
reports from the district surgeons, and for the purpose 



240 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNAOT)0 WOOD. 

of receiving and giving such, directions with reference to 
the general government of the medical department, as 
may be necessary. 

He shall have fall supervision of the whole Depart- 
ment, so far as the health and sanitary condition of the 
officers and men are concerned. 

He shall make written reports to the Mayor at least 
once in each month, and perform such other duties 
connected with his department of the Police as may be 
required. 

The city shall be divided into seven surgical districts, 
as follows : 



District I.— 1, 2, 8, 4, ] 


Police Districts. 


u ' n.-5, 6, 8, 14, 


u 


" in.— 7, 10, 11, 


a 


u IV.— IS, 15, 17, 


11 


" Y.— 9, 16, 20, 


it 


u YL_18, 19, 21, 


ti 


" ViL— 12, 22, 


u 



Each surgical district shall have appointed to it one 
surgeon, who shall reside in one of the police districts 
comprehended within his sui'gical district. 

It shall be the duty of the district surgeons to visit 
each station-house within his district, at least once in 
every forty-eight hours, to examine into its condition as 
to cleanliness, ventilation, and the state of the medicine- 
chest, and to ascertain that every article hereinafter 
named as being required, shall be supplied, (which shall 
be done by a requisition on the surgeon-general,) and 
see that they are fit for use. It, shall be his duty to 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 241 

visit at his residence every member of the Department 
within his district, who is reported as being unable to 
perform duty, in consequence of physical inability or 
sickness; to report to the surgeon-general, on or in 
every forty-eight hours, the specific nature of the mala- 
dy, whether medicinal or surgical, the probabilities of its 
having been contracted in actual service, and whether 
in his judgment the disability is of sufficient magnitude 
to exempt the patient from duty, and to report the name 
and numbers of the sick, the convalescent, and the dis- 
charged. It shall be his duty to attend and treat pro- 
fessionally every member of the Department, when sick 
or unable to perform duty, without receiving any com- 
pensation from or making charge to the said invalid. 
This attention shall be constant until the recovery of 
the patient, without reference to the character of the dis- 
ease, or how contracted; to be diligent in protecting the 
Department from simulated sickness, and in no case to 
report any as having acquired the disability in the 
course of duty, without conclusive proof of the fact ; 
and to examine into and report all cases where it is sup- 
posed intemperate habits, or the use of stimulating 
drinks, or other vices, are a cause of disease. He shall 
also examine all applicants for appointment residing 
within his district, after they shall have passed the ex- 
mination and approval of the Commissioners. These 
shall be referred to him immediately after the action of 
the Commissioners, by the Chief of Police. These ex- 
aminations shall be carefal and critical, and the result 
be reported promptly in writing to the surgeon-general. 
The surgeon-general shall then review the examination, 
11 



242 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

and if lie approve, it shall be final, whether the appli- 
cant be rejected or approved by the surgeon-general. K 
he do not approve, the Mayor shall determine the result, 
through outside examination by eminent members of the 
medical profession. 

There will be provided in every station-house, so far 
as practicable, a room in which to place persons injured 
by accident or otherwise, and there will be provided 
medicine-chests, with such medicines and coromon sur- 
gical instruments and appliances as are usually required; 
also sedan-chairs, tourniquets, lint, bandages, splints, 
etc., etc. 

In cases of injury to persons brought to the station- 
house, or to prisoners requiring immediate attention, 
the captains, or other officers in charge, shall notify the 
district surgeon, v/hose duty it shall be to attend forth- 
with, for which he shall be entitled to extra compensa- 
tion." 

Finally, in his grand review of the whole force on 
May the 26th, he sums up all that he desires to say or 
that he expects in this way : 

" Officers and Men : It gives me pleasure to meet 
you to-day. It is the first time I have -had an opportu- 
nity to see so large a portion of the whole corps in a 
body, and indeed it is the first time you have been so 
caUed together. This occasion must be as gratifying to 
yourselves, as I can assure you it is to me. In common 
with the many distinguished persons present, I have 
been highly pleased with your officer-like and gentle- 
manly appearance, with your good condition, your ex- 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 243 

cellent drill, and the general correctness with which you 
have performed the exercises of the Department. 

Gentlemen : I take a deep interest in the way in which 
your official duties are discharged, nor am I unmindful 
of what is due to your personal welfare. To enable you 
to act your part with fidelity, it is indispensable, that 
you folly appreciate the many advantages of your posi- 
tion and be conscious of what is done for you by the 
authorities. 

You draw from the City Treasury as pay, in the ag- 
gregate nearly one million of dollars per annum, besides 
what is given by individuals as presents, which last 
year amounted, according to the books in the Mayor's 
office, to about $15,000, and, so far this year to about 
$4000, not including many valuable presents, not to be 
estimated by money. 

There is no class of operatives or tradesmen so well 
paid. You are compensated for every day in the year, 
rain or shine, duty or no duty, present or absent, the 
only exception being absence at your own request to be 
without pay, or sickness not caused by the discharge of 
duty. And again, the duration of your office adds 
much to its pecuniary value. It is during good be- 
havior, or, in other words, for life, if you behave 
yourselves. "What other situation, or what other public 
officer, even to the highest posts of trust and honor, that 
have the same security against want, or the destitution 
of old age? With myself, though your commanding 
officer, a few months will see my place filled by another, 
who in turn will be replaced by some one else ; and as to 
pecuniary compensation, with a salary which falls far 



244 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

short of the absolute indispensable outlays, consequent 
upon the office itself, without reference to living ex- 
penses at all. 

Again, your pay is certain. No employer runs off 
cheating you out of your wages, or making deductions 
for bad work, or pays you in uncurrent money, liable 
to heavy discounts, or fails to pay surely and promptly 
on the promised day. Those of you whose previous 
avocations have been of a nature to force you to rely 
upon wages or salaries, will not fail to appreciate this 
difference in your paymaster. 

If vigilant, and attentive to duty, there is the pros- 
pect of promotion. The highest posts in the Depart- 
ment are not closed against you ; but upon the contrary, 
merit is the key that will force them open. Many of 
the most valued officers in the service, entered it in the 
humblest position, and have won their advancement by 
good conduct alone. 

Again, the attention paid to your sanitary condition is 
of great value. Your station-houses are well ventilated. 
Your sleeping apartments cleanly and well cared for, 
baths are provided, doctors and surgeons gratuitously 
furnished, and every attention given to your physical 
well-being and continued health and longevity. K sick, 
a physician visits you, with the best medical attention, 
and without expense. In the army or navy a deduction 
is made from the pay of the men, to defray the expense 
of this department of the service. There is a fund 
made up by deductions from the poor pittance they re- 
ceive, which is devoted to the erection of hospitals, sup- 
plymg medical stores, surgical instruments, and other 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 245 

material. This is not your case. The city furnishes 
most of these gratuitously to you. It may not be out 
of place for me to add, in connection with this point, 
that I have designs with reference to the better protec- 
tion of your physical and pecuniary condition, which in 
due time shall be developed, and which will convince 
you that I am not your enemy or indifferent to your 
welfare. The subject has engaged much of my atten- 
tion and reflection, and I think I can say with truth, 
that propositions will be made by me, not only to you 
for your adoption, but to the liberal and philanthropic 
citizens of JSTew-York, which, if approved, will add to the 
value of your offices, by fully protecting you against the 
deprivations and want incident to poverty and old age. 
But some complain of hard duty, and many kind- 
hearted citi2;ens think, that, under my administration, 
onerous and severe exactions are made. Let us see if 
this be so. You have every other day off duty from 
sunrise to sunset, which is your own time, to do with as 
you please, liable onjy to duty in case of an extreme 
emergency, which seldom arises; and when on duty, 
your labor is exercise in the open air, walking abroad 
in noble manhood, breathing the free and healthful at- 
mosphere which God has given to us for sustenance, and 
not imprisoned in the workshop or bending over the 
work-bench, like the toiling thousands of this metropo- 
lis, less favored than yourselves. Contrast this invigor- 
ating, healthful, and manly avocation with the operative 
of any class, and you must agTee with me, that yours is 
far superior, whether viewed as a profitable, a moral, or 
a physical condition. 



246 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

Again, the imiform is complained of, and said to be 
bj some a badge of degradation and servitude. How er- 
roneous is this impression. What ! a badge of servitude, 
which is really an emblem of trust and honor ! A mark 
of degradation, to carry upon your person an official in- 
signia, denoting that you have been selected by the 
Mayor, the Eecorder, and the City Judge, (the three 
highest criminal officers known to our laws,) as worthy 
to be intrusted with delicate and important duties and 
prerogatives, involving the care of the hfe, liberty, and 
property of the citizen ? No sane mind can so construe 
it, and believe me, fellow-officers, when I tell you that 
the man who can perpetrate such an absurd theory, is a 
dangerous companion, who should be avoided as your 
enemy. There is no degradation in the uniform of a 
policeman, more than there is in the epaulette of an offi- 
cer in the regular army ; no greater badge of servitude 
in the star, than there is in the button, so highly prized 
by the hslvj. The degradation is not in the uniform; 
it is in a disregard of duty by him who wears it. The 
pohceman more frequently disgraces the uniform, than 
the uniform does the policeman. It is a badge of degra- 
dation only when made so by the misconduct of the 
wearer. As the uniform of a military officer is suUied 
by cowardice or treachery, so can yours be only by con- 
duct unbecoming a pohceman and disgraceful to your 
position as such. 

No member of society has a better opportunity to dis- 
tinguish himself, or to deserve well of his fellow-citizens 
than yourselves. The hue of duty is plain, simple, well 
deffiied, and easy of performance. I have no desire to 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 247 

exact too severe labor. I ask no man connected with 
the corps to devote half as as many hours to its service, 
as I do myself; and whilst I am ready to demand atten- 
tion and obedience to orders, I am also willing to recog- 
nize and reward meritorious services. The only road to 
the good opinion of the Head of the Department and of 
the public, is faithful and vigilant discharge of the trusts 
confided ; this is all that is desii^ed, and is within the 
power of every man to give. When you assumed the 
office, it was with full knowledge of this obhgation. If 
these duties are too severe, you should not have under- 
taken their fulfillment. Kthey are too onerous and ex- 
actmg, you should not have agreed to perform them. 
If they appeared to deprive you of personal rights, you 
should have so stated, and declined the compacts entered 
into. Your position as a member of the police is the 
result of an agreement between yourself and the author- 
ities, voluntarily made by you, in which you agree to 
give up certain personal privileges and rights to serve 
the pubhc, as a custodian of their interests. You were 
not forced to take the post, and are not now forced to 
retain it ; but so long as you do retain it, and draw irom 
the Treasury its compensation, it is my duty to exact 
the fulfillment of the contract upon your part, or endea- 
vor to fill your place by those who will. 

Every pubhc officer yields up personal rights. No 
man can assume office, whether high or low, without 
giving up something to the public, if he does his duty. 
I am sunply the agent of the people in the surveillance 
exercised over your conduct. My position, in relation 
to yours, is like that of the head of an army actually in 



248 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

battle ; for we are always on duty, always in an engage- 
ment, our campaign against the enemy is always com- 
mencing, always continuing, and never ending. It is a 
continuous fight against the crime and the wrong-doing 
of the vicious of this community. Eternal vigilance is 
the essential requisite of a policeman's duty ; and as he 
relaxes, so does he depart from what shall be required 
of him, so long as I hold the position of Commanding 
General. 

In conclusion, I can not do better than to call your 
attention to the prefatory remarks to the Eules and Ee- 
gulations of the Department, which comprehend what 
really constitutes your duties and the theory of the 
Police Department as now organized. 

The confidence placed in the Department and its 
members, and their consequent responsibility, are ex- 
treme ; their duties and powers, such as demand special 
and peculiar qualifications in those who compose the 
force. It is difficult to specify each and every of these 
duties and powers, although rules and laws may be, 
and are made to comprehend them; or to designate 
with precision the manner in which these powers shall 
be apphed, and these duties performed, in each and 
every case that may arise. 

A policeman's duty includes careful attention in its 
performance, careful industry to acquire an intelligent 
and correct sense of it, care of bodily health, good habits, 
habits of neatness and cleanliness, propriety of behavior, 
of dress and address. It includes a full command of 
himself, and of his temper, passions, and infirmities, for- 
bearance under provocation, kindness, modesty, and 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 249 

civility of deportment, the avoidance of harshness, ill 
temper, or bad language, and the example of orderly 
and moral conversation and behavior. It includes obe- 
dience to all lawful orders, respect for the officers and 
fellow members of the Department, and unwavering 
iideHty, integrity, and truth. 

In action he should be firm, fearless, calm, and intre- 
pid, discriminating, discreet, and judicious, employing 
resolutely all the force that is necessary, and prompt in 
its application, yet employing it with decision, wisdom, 
and skill, and only to the extent requu^ed ; unjdelding, 
though quiet and energetic in the performance of his 
task. In case of emergency and where personal conflict 
is inevitable, he must be brave without rashness, cour- 
ageous and persevering without needless temerity, and 
employ that degree of judgment which denotes chastened 
and invincible valor. 

On post he should be ever vigilant, active, and in 
motion, avoiding all habits of listlessness, of lounging or 
idle conversation, and every thing by which his inces- 
sant attention to his duty may even for a moment be 
impaired; and when on duty he is a sentinel, whose 
whole mind and abilities should be directed to the task 
imposed on him. 

When on duty, the emblems now prescribed for both 
officers and men will be expected to be worn without 
any exception, and that they will be kept neat and be- 
comingly fitted to the person ; for the taste and tidiness 
with which a pohceman attires himself is a material 
accessory to the esteem and respect in which he is held 
by the public. 

11^' 



250 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

The officers of the Department are all emphatically 
enjoined, not only to accomplish themselves in a full 
knowledge of their duties, and of the rules and laws 
which relate to them, but by every proper means in their 
power to instruct those under their command in their 
respective duties. 

A correct and exemplary moral conduct and efficient 
performance of duty, on the part of the respective mem- 
bers of the force, will not only justify the confidence re- 
posed in it by the public, but must elevate the Depart- 
ment to the highest degTee of respectability. 

And now, gentlemen, I must repeat the expression of 
my gratification with the proceedings of this day. It has 
been no empty pageant — no holiday, in which to show 
you to the crowds of citizens here assembled. Its de- 
signs were to give me an opportunity to inspect your 
appearance — to observe your improvement in the drill 
exercise, and to see and converse with you on the im- 
portant subject of your duties. 

I have no doubt the result will be advantageous to 
you, as it is most agreeable to me. I take my leave with 
an increased admiration for you as an efficient protective 
corps, and with a confident behef that if ever your entire 
force shall be required for the preservation of the peace, 
it will be found entirely able to meet and overwhelm 
any antagonistic body, however great in number or des- 
perate in character." 

Now, the result of all this has been the formation of a 
body of some thousand men ; chosen men, well equipped, 
well disciplined, well drilled. The city is free from 



THE POLICE CHAPTER. 261 

riots ; the calendar of crime decreased ; accidents now 
occTir once a week wliere before they happened a dozen 
times a day ; and instead of a lounging, slouching con- 
stable, you find a well-dressed, soldierly-looking man ; 
kind, gentle, civil, and yet thoroughly effective. And 
this work is Mayor Wood's alone. 

No regiment is composed of angels. There are bad 
men still in the police force. Let the pessimists quote 
and gloat. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

"WHAT "WE SHALL LEGALLY HAVE TO D K I N" K . 

There is, we presume, but one opinion in tlie world 
about tbe vice of intemperance, and the horrid evils 
wbicb it produces. All men, drunkards included, shud- 
der when they think of the ruin of health, life, intellect, 
fortune, traceable to this debasing vice. To destroy if 
is the desire of all, or nearly all ; for temperance above 
all other virtues is admired — temperance in all things. 

On account of the pubHc ills arising from drunken- 
ness — ^breaches of peace, murders, pauperism, fires, etc. 
—governments have been obliged to give their attention 
to this question, and to make laws calculated to lessen 
the amount of intoxication, if not to do away with it 
altogether. The drunkard openly reeling through the 
streets has always been held a fair subject for arrest, and 
it is questioned nowadays whether that is not the limit 
of legislative power. Some go *for more, saying that 
legislatures may have power to declare not only, " Thou 
shalt not be publicly drunken," but this also and abso- 
lutely, " Thou shalt not drink." 

Be this as it may, the inspired men who sate in the 
House and Senate Chamber at Albany, in the year of 



WHAT WE SHALL LEGALLY DRINK. 253 

our Lord 1855, being greatly moved by the excess of 
drunkenness in tliis Empire State, created and passed a 
law entitled, "An Act for the Prevention of Intemper- 
ance, Pauperism, and Crime," all of which excellent 
results were to be obtained by total prohibition of all 
beverages but Croton and ginger-beer. 

Then there arose men who said : " We will not obey 
this law ; " some of them using expletives and quasi- 
profane language, in their utterance of that disobedient 
resolve. Well, so far as New- York was concerned, the 
favorers of the law looked to the Chief Executive to 
enforce and compulse obedience to its dictates, clamored 
to him about it, called on him hj endearing and other 
epithets to come up to their help against the evil dealers in 
wine, cider, and gin. On the other hand, Mr. Coleman 
of the Astor House asked His Honor what course was to 
be taken in the matter ; whether existing city laws were 
not severe enough without such a thorough whirlwind, 
offeweeping all things potable, and the reply, under 
date of January 24th, exhibited these views : 

"This evil in our midst," says Mayor Wood, " appears 
to me to result rather from the non-execution of present 
laws, than from the character of the laws themselves. 
It is a popular error to mistake feeble administrative 
enforcements for defects in the statutes. This mistake 
has been productive of continual and never-ending legis- 
lation upon all subjects, until the books are so full of 
laws, that none but the most astute and studious lawyers 
can tell what is and what is not law. I regTct that it is 
impossible for me at this time, to go at length into the 



254 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

subject of the suppression of intemperance, and the pro- 
per mode to effect it, as your letter calls for. I can saj, 
however, with truth, that the reform effected by me in 
the Sabbath dram-drinking, has not been by coercion. 
Until yesterday, no licenses have been revoked through my 
orders, no arrests have been made, no penalty or punish- 
ment inflicted ; and yet out of nearly six thousand licenses, 
the number of places open for the sale of liquor has been 
reduced from two thousand three hundred before the 
commencement of my administration, to twenty-six last 
Sunday." 

But the act having once fairly passed, it became his 
duty to state to the people of the city wherein his duty 
lay, and what he, for his part, intended to do in this 
matter. This he did in the two folk wing 

PROCLAMATIONS: 

The Legislature of this State having passed an act entitled, "An 
Act for the Suppression of Intemperance, Pauperism, and Crime," 
known as the Prohibitory Liquor Law, and as my position with refer- 
ence to its enforcement in this city, so far as that duty may devolve 
upon my office, should be declared at an early day, to leave no doubt 
as to its character, I hereby present, for public consideration, the 
prmciples which control my conduct as a public officer, alike applica- 
ble to matters of great or small import. 

That the people govern — not in their primary capacity, but 
through representatives freely and fairly chosen— is the theory of 
American government. The people are the source of political 
power. They make the laws ; and the great safeguard of Ameri- 
can liberty is general compliance. As the statutes thus created 
for the better protection of life and property, and the pursuit of 
happiness, are but the reflection of the popular will for the time 



WHAT WE SHALL LEGALLY DKINK. 255 

being, so are they binding upon the body politic — the minority 
as well as the majority — who are alike parties to the compact, the 
obligations of which it is dishonorable to disregard. And though 
these elements of self-government present the distinguishing features 
between our own and the governments of Europe, still our success 
has been owing more to acquiescence in the will of the majority than 
in the character of the government itself. 

Other republics have failed, even when founded upon our forma 
and constitution, only because of the resistance of the vanquished 
contestants for rule, by rebellion against the laws and the executive 
power appointed to enforce them. We understand Eepublicanism 
differently, and hence have no such struggles. The generally pervad- 
ing common-school educational system — the rigid principle of obe- 
dience instilled into the child by the parent, and the scholar by the 
teacher — the enlarged human progress, leading onward to the expan- 
sion of the heart and intellect, all founded upon an enlightened, un- 
proscriptive, religious sentiment, furnish the platform upon which 
American liberty stands, and from which no calamity, save forcible 
resistance to the laws, can ever remove it. 

It is not contended that minorities have not grievances, and 
that their grievances must remain unredressed. Their rights are 
fully protected. The same fundamental law that binds minorities 
to submit, points out clearly the road to relief against an illegal 
or improper exercise of authority upon the part of the majority. 
Even whenever fanaticism rules the hour and covers the country with 
its baneful influence, to the exclusion of reason and justice, public 
opinion will soon correct the error, and restore the calm sense of 
mature conservative judgment. What if the law-maker proves recre- 
ant, and betrays the constituent he was chosen to represent ? The 
wrong inflicted is not irremediable, though it may be a proper chas- 
tisement for a negligent or corrupt use of the franchise. Time repairs 
all the errors of legislation. Its evils and wrongs, however great, 
invariably recoil before public opinion and the decisions of the courts. 
Eedress and relief can thus always be obtained. The legal tribunals 
and the ballot-box are never approached in vain for the maintenance 
of a good, or the overthrow of a bad cause. These are the only con- 
stitutional resorts — all others are treason or rebellion. 



256 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD, 

Another marked characteristic of the American people is the uni- 
versal submission to the governmental forms restricting the powers 
and duties of the three components of government, namely, the Legis- 
lative, the Judicial, and the Executive. The first can only make the 
laws, the second can only expound them, and the third has no discre- 
tion'' but to see them faithfully executed. It is my province to act as 
agent for the people in one of these departments. I am an executive 
officer. I aid in the execution of the laws, and have sworn to do so 
"to the best of my ability." With no part or responsibility in their 
creation, so far as State legislation is concerned, I have no option 
but compliance, as an instrument for their enforcement, and to require 
a compliance in others, as far as I have the ability. It is my duty 
to exact obedience, and yours to obey. The officer of the law is not 
accountable for the making of the law ; he is bound to execute it, 
pursuant to his oath of office, though the responsibility of the people, 
as the source of all political power, can not be so easily denied. As 
Mayor, I have endeavored to fulfill this duty. Though sometimes 
painful, yet it has been performed diligently and impartially. I hope 
to continue without relaxation. The act relating to the prohibition 
of the liquor traffic and consumption is now a law, holding the same 
position as any other law, and, until decided invalid by the courts, 
or amended or repealed by the Legislature, should command the 
same obedience. So far as its execution depends upon me, I have no 
discretion but to exercise all my power to enforce it. It is unneces- 
sary for me to express an opinion in regard to legislation of this cha- 
racter, or of this law ; for whatever that opinion may be, I can not, 
without dishonor, shrink from a faithful discharge of the trust con- 
fided, whatever shall be the personal consequences to myself. I now 
call upon the friends of law and order to aid in the performance of 
this obligation, and in sustaining the laws — a principle upon which 
rests the corner-stone of all our national prosperity and greatness. 

Deeming my course, with reference to this subject, of interest to 
those whose occupations are to be affected, and especially to 
those whose licenses will expire with the year ending the first of May 
ensuing, I have felt it incumbent upon me to indicate it frankly. I 
have availed myself of the first moment after the adjournment of the 
Legislature, when all expectations of repeal or modification were 



WHAT WE SHALL LEGALLY DRD^K. 257 

hopeless, to thus make public my position, without having had time 
to examine it, or to receive counsel as to my duties under it, and 
without knowing whether I am called upon or have power as Mayor 
to take any part in its execution. I shall inform myself on these 
points without delay, and announce my conclusions to the public with 
the same candor that prompts this communication. 

Fernando Wood. 



Mayor's Office, New^-York, Friday, April 27, 1855. 

To the Citizens of Neiv-YorJc: 

My late communication to the people of this city respecting the 
Prohibitory Liquor Law, recently passed by the Legislature, closed 
as follows : 

" I have availed myself of the first moment after the adjournment 
of the Legislature, when all expectations of repeal or modification 
were hopeless, to thus make public my position, without having had 
time to examine it, or to receive counsel as to my duties under it, and 
without knowing whether I am called upon or have power as Mayor 
to take any part in its execution. I shall inform myself on these 
points without delay, and announce my conclusion to the public with 
the same candor that prompts this communication." 

The opinions of my legal advisers before the public, and their con- 
clusions need but brief reiteration at my hands. In my capacity as 
Mayor, the Corporation Counsel is by the Charter constituted my 
guide ; in my functions as ISIagistrate, the District- Attorney becomes 
my cooperator. These gentlemen sustain the same relations to me as 
are held by Attorney-Generals to the President or the Governor. 
To act contrary to their direction, until it is superseded by absolute 
judicial declaration, would be an illegal assumption, for doubtful 
powers are thus made certain. I have no discretion to take any other 
line of conduct, without doing what could be properly charged as an 
illegal assumption of power unauthorized by law. Therefore, while 
standing ever ready to execute all laws faithfully and diligently, to 
the extent of the means placed at my command, I am, like other 



258 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

executive officers, confined within the boundaries prescribed by the 
legal advisers of my office ; to act contrary would be to violate the 
law, or what I am obliged to consider the law, until decided to be 
otherwise by the courts. 

The reply made by Mr. Hall ftie District- Attorney, is dated three 
days succeeding the publication of my views ; that of Mr. Dillon is 
dated the following day. My inquiry to Mr. Hall was confined to 
what would be the law governing the sale of liquor in this city after 
the expiration of existing licenses (May 1) until July 4, when the 
penalties of prohibition will go into effect, and as to the laws govern- 
ing Sunday selling during the same period. He replied that the old 
license system is superseded by the new, with its own appropriate 
penalties ; that the old penalties were not only specific to the old sys- 
tem, but are inapplicable to the new system, as well because penal- 
ties can not be extended by implication, as because the new system 
had its own specific penalties. That by an oversight of the Legisla- 
ture the new penalties are superseded until that part of the act 
creating them becomes operative. That from May 1, when existing 
licenses expire, until July 4, no obstacle exists to the free sale of 
liquor in this city, and that it can be sold the same as any other 
commodity. And that for Sunday selling there is no penalty save 
the old civil penalty of two dollars and fifty cents for a whole day's 
traffic, and which is to be prosecuted and collected in a civil action 
by the Corporation Attorney. 

The inquiries to Mr. Dillon were more general, applying to the 
whole scope of the Prohibitory section. 

In reply he says, that the Llayor is not empowered to hear and de- 
termine the charges and punish offenses arising under any part of its 
provisions. That the Mayor is not authorized to perform any other 
duty under the act than to require policemen to perform the duties 
enjoined upon them, but that in his direction to the police he must 
caution them against any infraction of that section of the law which 
declares it shall not apply to liquors, the right to sell which in this 
State is given by any law or treaty of the United States, and which 
are exempt from seizure, for the selling of which there is no penalty, 
and that policemen will not be warranted in seizing any such liquors. 



WHAT WE SHALL LEGALLY DRINK. 259 

or the vessels in which they are contained. The Counsel more par- 
ticularly describes these liquors as being all those which are permitted 
to be imported by act of Congress, namely, which pay duty ; thus 
comprehending all that are imported. He also thinks that the Mayor 
has been appropriately advised by the District- Attorney on other 
branches of the law before referred to. 

And now an experiment is to be tried in this city, whether in the 
absence of legal compulsory authority, there is sufficient moral force 
in the community to prevent unlimited indulgence in intoxicating 
drinks. Under these opinions of the law officers the coercive princi- 
ple recently adopted by the Legislature, being in effect almost entirely 
nullified, shall we by general license and unbridled indulgence prove 
that coercion is necessary ? Shall we thus admit the force of the 
prohibitory argument by showing our inability of self-restraint ; our 
incompetency for social self-government ? If so disqualified we are 
totally unfit for the blessing of political self-government. 

It is unnecessary to descant upon the evils of intemperance. Its 
results are too indelibly stamped upon the condition of a very large 
portion of this community, to require any allusion from me. Any 
man who walks abroad, or who visits the garrets and cellars of this 
metropolis, filled with indigence, wretchedness, and disease, or who 
takes a glance into our prisons, hospitals, or Aims-House, will be 
more or less than man if he does not turn away with a painful and 
humiliating consciousness of the crime, misery, and degradation to 
which alcohol reduces all who yield to its temptation. Nor is it 
here alone where these sad results are exhibited. The same develop- 
ments are often found among the opulent, the educated, and the re- 
fined. And can we be surprised that as the philanthropist surveys 
this dreadful but not over-colored picture, he should resort to reme- 
dies as violent as the evil sought to be removed appears extreme 
and destructive ? 

I apprehend all will agree with me in the existence of this great 
injury to society in our midst, and let us so restrain ourselves by 
moral force alone, that penal enactments may be unnecessary to en- 
force its prohibition. The best coercion is voluiy;ary determination. 
The human will should have force enough to counteract the social 



260 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

evils of this kind of over-indulgence. When the mental has become 
subservient to the animal propensities, all distinctions from the brute 
are removed, and man is debased indeed. 

And especially with reference to the Sabbath, let us unite these 
principles, with a reverence for a day hallowed and blest by divine 
institutions throughout the civilized world. Do not again place that 
day in jeopardy. It has been my constant effort to give New- York 
quiet, peaceful Sabbaths, consistent with the calmness and devotion 
which characterize a time dedicated to such sacred objects. The 
closing of the liquor-shops, and it may be said almost total abstinence 
has been obtained. A disposition has been manifested to comply 
with my wishes and with the law, in this matter, highly creditable to 
those engaged in the trade, and which in no small degree has served 
to allay much hostility to the traffic generally, besides raising the 
moral position of the trade itself. 

Though I look into the future with some fear in view of my pre- 
sent restricted legal power over this subject, still there shall be no 
change in my efforts to maintain intact the present cessation of liquor- 
selling and other employments on that day, and in this the liquor- 
dealers themselves should continue to cooperate. It is their duty as 
well as their interest to comply. Even those who defend the occu- 
pation as an abstract, inherent right to deal in any article of mer- 
chandise, can not but admit that none but the evil-minded, who are 
not creditable members of any profession or society, can maintain a 
position so antagonistic to public sentiment and morals. I look upon 
liquor-selling upon the Sabbath day as a degrading occupation, from 
which any man, as he values his reputation, should fly as from a con- 
tagion. 

Let me urge, therefore, upon all to show that the citizens of New- 
York have within their own breasts a higher law, which governs 
their appetites without penal punishments, and that having tasted the 
sweets of quiet Sabbath ; of one day's rest and repose from the toils, 
strifes, and wickedness of the weekly contests incident to city life, we 
will not again relax into what is little better than bestial indulgence 
on a day devoted^ Jhroughout the Christian world, to the worship of 
the « only true and ever-living God." 

Fernando "Wood. 



WHAT WE SHALL LEGALLY DEINK. 261 

But the much good already done in the city of New- 
York by this one energetic man, had spread his reputa- 
tation far and wide over the country, and even sohd 
men of Boston must needs come to him for advice upon 
the matter of '' strong potations," and laws prohibitory 
thereof. 

No less imposing a body than the " Massachusetts 
Temperance Society" write to him to know what is to 
be done by their executive officers in their towns and 
villages. And he replies : " That the duty of a mayor 
with reference to the execution of any law depends upon 
the law itself There are laws the enforcement of which 
rests entirely with other functionaries, and with which 
municipal officers have nothing to do ; therefore of the 
duties of mayors in the execution of your prohibitory 
law in the cities of Massachusetts I can not speak, never 
having read that law, and without knowledge as to the 
magisterial prerogatives of their offices in your State. 

"By a singular oversight the Legislature of Kew- 
York has passed a prohibitory law which imposes no 
duty upon the mayor of this city whatever. That offi- 
cer is not only not named in the act, but its execution 
depends entirely upon other officers who are designated 
therein. Had our Legislature passed a law for the sup- 
pression of intemperance, and it became my duty as 
Mayor of this city to enforce its provisions, the effi^rt 
would have been made by me at all hazards, and with 
a determined use of the whole power of my office. An 
executive officer has nothing to do but to administer the 
laws as far as their enforcement devolves upon him, 
taking care, however, to receive the advice of the law 



262 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNAJ^DO WOOD. 

officers of his office, as to his power and duties ; and 
especially is legal advice necessary witli reference to tlie 
execution of laws like the Maine Law, which directs the 
seizure and destruction of property ; otherwise serious 
personal hability would be assumed, sufficient to ruin 
the wealthiest man in the community. "Were I to at- 
tempt the execution of our Prohibitory Law, and seize 
and destroy liquors after having received the official 
assurances of the legal advisers of my office that such 
seizure and interference would be illegal, I would 
subject myself to personal liability, inasmuch as the 
execution of the law did not devolve upon my office at 
all, and I should be assuming a responsibility not justi- 
fied by any public considerations whatever." 

Already he has seen to the enforcement of such city 
laws as do exist. He has issued a kind and courteous 
circular to the hquor-dealers, begging them to cooperate 
with him in this matter. He has said that the sale of 
liquors upon Sunday shall be stopped ; that open drunk- 
enness shall be punished according to the law in such 
case made and provided. He has given his instructions 
to the Police Department, and now, in the end, he de- 
fines what power he has under this new "Act to Prevent 
Intemperance, Pauperism, and Crime," as follows, on 
June the 25th. 

After quoting from his counsel, Mr. Dillon, as follows : 
" That the Mayor is not empowered to hear and deter- 
mine the charges and punish offenses arising under any 
part of its provisions. That the Mayor is not authorized 
to perform any other duty under the act, than to require 



WHAT WE SHALL LEGALLY DRINK. 263 

policemen to perform the duties enjoined upon them, 
but that in his direction to the Pohce he must caution 
them against any infraction of that section of the law, 
which declares it shall not apply to liquors, the right to 
sell which in this State is given by any law or treaty of 
the United States, and which are exempt from seizure, 
for the selling of which there is no penalty, and that 
policemen will not be warranted in seizing any such 
liquors, or the vessels in which they are contained. The 
Counsel more particularly describes these liquors as 
being those which are permitted to be imported by act 
of Congress, namely, which pay duty, thus comprehend- 
ing all that are imported. He also thinks that the 
Mayor has been appropriately advised, by the District- 
Attorney, on other branches of the law above referred 
to." He proceeds to say : 

" Subsequently, I have examined this law with great 
care, being sincerely desirous of arriving at correct con- 
clusions, as to my whole duty under it. 

It is undeniable that the Executive ofacer must as- 
sume every act of the Legislature to be valid. This 
assumption, however, in the present case, must be 
adopted with some reference to the doubts expressed as 
to some branches of this law. In assuming the law 
valid, I am not to give up the duty of administering it 
according to those views concerning its practical execu- 
tion which I have concluded have the highest legal au- 
thority. "Whilst assuming an act valid, it is also impera- 
tive upon the public officer to ascertain what is really 
required of him, and in case of doubt as to any particu- 
lar provision — ^the enforcing of which will incur per- 



264 BIOGRAPHY OF FEBNAKDO WOOD. 

sonai responsibilitj, by the infliction of injuries upon 
the persons and property of the citizens — to exercise 
extreme caution. For whilst the people have a right to 
call upon a public officer to enforce the laws, they have 
no right to require him to seize property and arrest per- 
sons, if there be any well-founded doubt as to the sub- 
sequent maintenance of this authority by the courts. 
It would not do to tell the citizen, after the courts had 
decided that his property had been illegally seized and 
his person illegally imprisoned, that the magistrate had 
believed himself authorized to order it under the law, 
and that there is no redress. 

The presumption is, that the officer assumes no illegal 
powers ; that he is careful to avoid the exercise of such 
powers, especially if they are oppressive in their charac- 
ter and incur personal liability. No public officer (3an 
be called upon to do this, and it matters little whether 
the liability falls upon the officer personally, or the dam- 
ages are to be reimbursed by taxation upon the property 
of the whole people. 

It is self-evident, therefore, that whilst it is my duty 
to execute this law, yet its peculiar character, connected 
with the doubts thrown around its true iaterpretation 
and its constitutionality, justifies me in giving it what I 
believe to be the most accurate legal construction, so far 
as my office has any thing to do with it. This I have 
determined to do, and refer to the accompanying order 
to the Police as declaring what that construction is. 

It will be seen that this order applies exclusively to 
those duties put upon the Police by the act in which they 
are clothed with the power of seizing property and arresting 



WHAT WE SHALL LEGALLY DRINK. 265 

persons merely upon their own motion^ imthout warrants or 
complaint. It does not interfere with their duty in the 
serving of process, or in executing warrants based upon 
the complaint of others. It leaves any citizen the right, 
who is willing and able to assume the responsibility, to 
test the law in the courts by attempting its enforcement. 
In my opinion, no time should be lost in giving it this 
direction, that judicial decision may be obtained to dis- 
pel all doubts, and ascertain fully whether every apparent 
condition shall be carried out. It is scarcely necessary 
for me to add, that if adverse to the views which I have 
considered it my duty to adopt, I shall acquiesce and 
use every power at my command to give force and effect 
to that decision whatever it may be. 

It is to be regretted that, so far as this city is con- 
cerned, some other and more practical means had not 
been adopted for the suppression of intemperance. No 
citizen will go farther or do more to accomplish so great 
a good than myself. I look upon intoxication, and the 
habitual use of intoxicating liquor, as a vice more de- 
structive in its effects, and more debasing in its charac- 
ter, than any other extant in this community. My own 
practice and precepts have always been in accordance 
with these opinions ; and since holding my present offi- 
cial relations to the people of this city, I have been 
active and determined in thus treating it. But, as a 
public officer, I can not act upon theories of ethics. 
The law must be my guide, to be construed according to 
the best hghts presented." 

The doctrine being settled, the practice becomes a 
12 



266 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

question to be decided. The aids of the Executive are 
the officers of police. Therefore instructions must be 
issued to them, and on June the 25th, a couple of weeks 
before the law should have its effect, he details to them 
their powers, duties, and responsibihties, on this wise : 

" Herewith is fiimished a copy of an Act entitled 'An 
Act for the Prevention of Intemperance, Pauperism, and 
Crime,' passed April 9th, 1855. I call your attention 
especially to the 1st, 7th, and 12th sections, which more 
directly refer to such duties as are imposed upon you by 
its provisions. The first section declares that intoxicat- 
ing liquors, except as are hereinafter provided, 

" Shall not be sold or kept for sale, or with intent to be sold, by any 
person, for himself or any other person, in any place whatsoever ; nor 
shall it be given away, (except as a medicine, by physicians pursuing 
the practice of medicine as a business, or for sacramental purposes,) 
nor be kept with intent to be given away in any place whatsoever, 
except in a dwelling-house in which, or in any part of which, no tav- 
ern, store, grocery, shop, boarding or victualling house, or room for 
gambling, dancing, or other public amusement or recreation of any 
kind is kept ; nor shall it be kept or deposited in any place whatso- 
ever, except in such dwelling-house, as above described, or in a 
church, or place of worship, for sacramental purposes, or in a place 
where either some chemical, mechanical, or medicinal art, requiring 
the use of liquor, is carried on as a regular branch of business ; or 
while in actual transportation from one place to another, or stored in 
a warehouse prior to its reaching the place of its destination. This 
section shall not apply to liquor, the right to sell which in this 
State is given by any law or treaty of the United States." 

The seventh section declares the duty of the officer 
after the seizure of the liquor, pursuant to the twelfth 



WHAT WE SHALL LEGALLY DRINK. 267 

section, with reference to giving notice to the owner, 
etc., etc. The twelfth section declares that 

" It shall be the duty of every sherifiF, under-sheriff, deputy-sheriff, 
constable, marshal, or policeman, to serve all processes to be issued 
by virtue of this act, to arrest any person whom he shall see actually 
engaged in the commission of any offense in violation of the first sec- 
tion of this act, and to seize all liquors kept in violation of said sec- 
tion, at the time and place of the commission of such offense, together 
with the vessels in which the same is contained, and forthwith to 
convey such person before any magistrate of the same city or town, 
to be dealt with according to law, and to store the liquor and "vessels 
so seized in some convenient place, to be disposed of as hereinafter 
provided. It shall be the duty of every officer, by whom any arrest 
and seizure shall be made under this section, to make complaint, on 
oath, against^ the person or persons arrested, and to prosecute such 
complaint to judgment and execution. It shall be the duty of every 
such officer, whenever he shall see any intoxicated person in any 
store, hotel, street, alley, highway or place, or disturbing the public 
peace and quiet, to apprehend such person, and take him before some 
magistrate, and if said magistrate shall, after due examination, deem 
him too much intoxicated to be examined, or to answer upon oath 
correctly, he shall direct said officer to keep him in some jail, lock- 
up, or other safe and convenient place, to be designated by said ma- 
gistrate until he shall become sober, and thereupon forthwith to take 
him before said magistrate, or if he can not be found, before some 
other magistrate." 

Now, whilst it is clearly obligatory upon you to en- 
force all laws passed by the Legislature, which impose 
duties on your office, and to assume them valid until de- 
cided otherwise by the courts, yet, as your command- 
ing officer, and responsible for your acts, if pursuant to 
orders, I feel it incumbent upon me to state, what is the 
interpretation to be put upon this law, so far as it im- 



268 BIOGKAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

poses any duties upon you, and what are tlie limits of 
your powers under it. 

You will not be authorized to seize any foreign 
liquors, or in arresting for tlie sale of the same, except 
upon warrant issued by a competent magistrate upon 
testimony other than your own. Whether liquors ex- 
hibited in your presence, either for sale or otherwise, 
are intoxicating liquors, (as designated in section 22,) or 
of foreign manufacture or not, you must judge with 
great circumspection, and be careful to avoid seizing 
any thus exempt. 

An error in this regard may lay you liable to severe 
personal responsibility, inasmuch as you are hereby ex- 
pressly enjoined to seize no such hquors. , 

Your principal duties arise under the 12th section. 
The duties under other sections are merely to serve 
processes of magistrates. The 12th section requires 

First, To arrest any person $een in the violation of 
the 1st section. 

Second, To seize all liquors hept in violation of the 
1st section, at the time and place of the commission of 
the offense. 

Third, When an arrest or seizure is made, to make ■ 
a complaint before a proper magistrate under the Act. 

Fourth, To arrest any intoxicated person, in a store, 
hotel, public place, or disturbing the peace, and take 
him before a magistrate. 

The first and second items thus referred to in this 
section are of vital importance, and require to be exe- 
cuted with great judgment. They require the arrest of 



WHAT WE SHALL LEGALLY DRINK. 269 

persons and the seizure of property, in tlie visible viola- 
tion of tlie Act. You will therefore be careful that 
when an arrest or seizure is to be made on view — that 
is, merely as the result of your own observation — that 
it must be such a violation as the eye itself can fully dis- 
close, and can not embrace offenses, where the whole of 
the offense does not fall under your own eye : a« thus, 
a sale of hquor in your presence not in any of the ex- 
cepted places, or by one of the licensed persons, and not 
dutiable, is an absolute violation of the law, calling for 
arrest of the person, seizure of the liquor and comi^laint 
to the magistrate. But keeping with intent to sell or give 
away, is not an offense fully within the scope of the 
eye ; the keeping is, but the intent is a matter of which 
the eye alone is not, and can not be a sufficient judge. 
You can not see the violation of this clause, for an intent 
can not be seen; it is only to be made out from many 
circumstances which are to prove it to the judgment, 
and not to the sight. These violations, therefore, do 
not come within this section, (12th,) so as to compel 
you to arrest or seize without complaints. 

As to the third item, it is consequent upon the first 
and second. It is important to be followed up ; because 
the conviction under the complaint is essential for your 
own protection. 

The fourth item, as to the arrest of intoxicated per- 
sons, etc., is already required of you by the laws and the 
rules and regulations of the Police Department, as far as 
the streets are concerned. 

I can not too seriously impress upon you the dis- 
creet exercise of your duties, under this law. The 



270 BIOGRAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

power of seizing property at will, and arresting persons 
by no other authority than your own volition, is one 
which has heretofore never been conferred on police offi- 
cers, and should be carefully guarded, so as to avoid 
oppression of the citizen. 

It is one of the dearest rights of American citizens 
to be secure in person and property. Neither should 
be touched, without the strongest and most conclusive 
proof that the act is folly warranted : and in the exer- 
cise of this important discretion, too much caution and 
judgment can not be adopted. I shall hold you to 
severe accountability, and trust that while the Islw is 
faithfully executed, sustained, and carried out on the 
one hand, no oppressive acts on the other will be perpe- 
trated against the rights of the citizen, in the perform- 
ance of the duties which are thus devolved upon you." 

So that matter is ended, and the "Act for the Preven- 
tion of Intemperance, Pauperism, and Crime," passed by 
the inspired men convened at Albany, now obtains in 
the city of Kew-York all the respectful obedience to 
which perhaps it was entitled. It is, however, a subject 
of sincere regret with Mayor Wood that all his well- 
directed and successfal efforts to close the liquor-shops 
on the Sabbath day have been paralyzed and destroyed 
by the construction which his official legal advisers have 
put upon this law. 

Previous to its operation, he had entirely succeeded 
in that wonderful work with the laws as they then 
stood, but as this act repealed all former acts relating to 
liquor, (including those forbidding the sale of liquor on 



WHAT WE SHALL LEGALLY DEINK. 271 

Sunday) lie had no law by wliicli to punisli for the sale 
on that day, and consequently could not enforce obe- 
dience. Persons who either do not understand the sub- 
ject, or will not, have essayed censure upon the author- 
ities, because Sunday dram-drinking is not suppressed 
as before the law was changed. The evil is not charge- 
able to Mayor "Wood. It is to the law, or the want of 
law ; or it may be the erroneous impressions of it by 
those who are placed by him as expounders of it. He 
has done his whole duty in the premises, and challenges 
criticism upon his course without any fear of the result. 



CHAPTER XV. 

ABOUT EMIGRANTS. 

Since the establishment of the United States, as a 
nation, the vast extent of territory ruled over by that 
government has served as a home and place of refuge 
for the oppressed, the poor, the Europeans with repub- 
lican tendencies and the pohtical exile of every grade. 
These were welcomed kindly, particularly in New- 
York, where hospitals and alms-houses, and emigrant 
societies exist to an immense extent and where a fabu- 
lous amount of money is expended for the amelioration 
of the condition of these poor people. 

But when the Powers on the other side, observed that 
their poor and suffering were so well received in this 
city, they conceived the idea of making it a sort of 
Cave of Adullum or New Kome, whither all their out- 
laws, felons, rogues and diseased beggars might be sent 
for their country's good. 

Now this idea was put into execution, and we soon 
had a foreign population of a nature which would in- 
duce a thoughtful man to vote against the abolition of 
capital punishment. Well, our worthy rulers dozed and 
grunted over this sorrow, and the sorrow waxed. Then 



ABOUT EMIGEANTS. 273 

Mr. "Wood being called to tlie cliair of the Mayoralty, 
and keeping Ids weather-eye open, as is his custom, 
at last spied an opportunty to attempt a reform of 
this evil. 

He first endeavored to interest the general govern- 
ment, whose natural business it was, in the matter, and 
with that intention, addressed the following letter to 
President Pierce: 

Mayor's Office, New- York, January 2, 1855. 

His Excellency Franklin Pierce, 

President of the United States. 

Dear Sir : There can be no doubt that, for many years, this port 
has been a sort of penal colony for felons and paupers, by the local 
authorities of several of the continental European nations. The des- 
perate character of a portion of the people arriving here from those 
countries, together with the increase of crime and misery among that 
class of our population, with other facts before us, prove conclusively, 
that such is the case. 

It is unnecessary to refer to the gross wrong thus perpetrated upon 
this city. It requires from me no allusion to the jeopardy of our 
lives and property from this cause. Men who, by a long career of 
crime and destitution have learned to recognize no laws, either civil 
or natural, can not fail to produce feelings of terror at their ap- 
proach. 

The inherent right of every community to protect itself from dan- 
gers arising from such emigration, can not be questioned. New- 
York has submitted to it long enough. The disease and pauperism 
arriving here almost daily from abroad, is of itself a sufficient evil ; 
but when to it is added crime, we must be permitted to remonstrate. 
"We ask the interference of the general government ; as it is its 
duty to protect us from foreign aggression, with ball and cannon, so 
it is its duty to protect us against an enemy more insidious and des- 
tructive, though coming in another form. 
12* 



274 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

I, call your attention to this subject, hoping it will receive from 
you that action which its very great importance to the whole coun- 
try demands. I am very truly yours, etc., 

Fernando Wood, Mayor. 

This letter producing no efiect upon the elevated offi- 
cial to whom it was addressed, the Mayor wrote upon 
the 26th of February, to a Member of Congress from 
New- York, Hon. John Wheeler. This letter exhibits 
an intimate knowledge of the abominable system of the 
Swiss republic with regard to their paupers ; from which 
country and Germany there came to this port last year 
186,000 immigrants, of whom many were transferred 
directly from the ship to the Aims-House. Mr. "Wood 
sho-^s the exceeding peril of all this, and proves the 
necessity for national legislation to prevent it: 

Dear Sir : In reply to your inquiries respecting the Belgians 
lately in confinement in this city, I have the honor to advise, that 
they are now at liberty, and beyond the control of the authorities, 
except so far as they may become amenable to our laws hereafter. 
Judge Roosevelt of the Supreme Court released them on the 24th 
instant, and they are now at large, whether for weal or woe remains 
to be seen. 

I resisted this proceeding, and hence am conscious of having dis- 
charged my duty. However much crime or destitution may be in- 
creased among us in consequence, 1 shall feel no self-reproach. I can 
not nevertheless but express regret that they should have been re- 
leased so summarily at this time. I never counseled their detention 
in prison, but advised that they should be returned to Antwerp, and 
but for this application to the Courts, they would have now been on 
their way thither. Their discharge in this manner will, I fear, nullify 
my efforts to prevent the immigration of criminals and paupers into 
this country. It appears to establish the fact, that the courts defend 



ABOUT EMIGRANTS. 275 

their introduction. Any action of the municipal authorities here- 
after to counteract this, will be looked upon as illegal, and will be 
entirely futile. An order that they shall not land will he met by 
smuggling them on shore, when if arrested and imprisoned, a writ of 
habeas corpus sets them at liberty to depredate upon our lives and 
property. 

It may not be known to you, that very extensive preparations are 
now being made in Germany and Belgium and other nations of 
Europe, for further exportation of the same class of people. 

In Switzerland, the preparatory movements have been so exten- 
sive, that the cantonal governments are now legislating as to the 
cheapest and best mode of getting them away. 

A singular fact, in connection with the public property of the 
towns and villages of Switzerland adds an additional inducement to 
the banishment of their paupers and criminals. The lands and 
forests belong to the commune, and in many instances would amount 
in value to 500 to 700 francs per individual. The local authorities 
therefore have a double object in getting rid of the poor. The ex- 
pense of their support and the evils of their crime are not only re- 
moved for ever, but the proprietory interest of those remaining is 
increased by getting rid of so large a portion of the population. 
Official statements show that in some of the districts one sixth of 
fhe population subsists by public alms. 

The principles of self-preservation from the evils of criminal and 
pauper immigration recommended by me are fully understood in 
Switzerland. These villages and communes are far more jealous of 
their own local interest, even against each other, than we have shown 
ourselves against foreign nations. 

A pauper resident in one canton is not permitted to become a 
resident of another canton. Every one visiting into another canton, 
even under a plea of looking for work, is closely watched, and the 
passports and papers with which they must always be provided, 
closely examined. The same, and even to a greater extent, is the case 
in Germany. None dare venture into a neighboring State, without 
a passport and other requisite papers, and if he is found to be desti- 
tute, (for on the borders of a country one must show a certain sum of 



276 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

money,) he is immediately ordered back, and if necessary, transferred 
forcibly back by the police, fearful that by entering he will become 
a public charge. 

This appears to be the domestic policy of those countries towards 
each other, but who, however, have no compunctions of conscience or 
regard for our rights, in transferring these outcasts to our care. How- 
ever contending with each other as to the care of these unfortunates, 
they appear to make common cause in saddling them upon us. 
Therefore, in not receiving them, and in forcibly sending them back, 
we but follow the policy of the countries from whence they came. I 
regret we have not in this instance followed so good an example. 
The inherent right of every community to protect itself from the 
ingress of dangerous persons, can not be questioned. " Self-preserva- 
tion is the first law of nature." Why is it that quarantine regula- 
tions are adopted, but to prevent the introduction of contagion into 
cities ? And if it is right to exclude contagion, why is it not right 
to exclude what is equally fatal and destructive ? Do we protect 
ourselves from this evil ? Does this decision protect us from it ? Are 
not the eflforts of the city authorities worthy of some support from 
the courts in a matter of such paramount importance to the people 
of this city ? The late Grand-Jury of this city say in their present- 
ment : " In connection with the subject, the Grand-Jury would call th^ 
public attention to the«ources of our crime and pauperism. They found 
that in the institutions visited by them, fully three fourths of the 
inmates were of foreign birth. While the city must maintain those 
now upon its hands, it is no part of its duty to bear the burden of 
the crime, lunacy, and pauperism of foreign countries. If we had to 
maintain only that which originates among us, the burden would be 
comparatively light. While we would extend welcome and encour- 
agement to the industrious and well-disposed emigrant from every 
country, we should, so far as possible, prevent the entrance among us 
of those who must become a public charge." 

The number of alien passengers who arrived at this port last 
year was 319,223, of which 185,869 were from Germany and Switzer- 
land. 

My observation and experience within the past three months have 



ABOUT EMIGRANTS. 277 

forced me to the conclusion, that it is in a portion of the emigration 
from these countries that our institutions are to receive their greatest 
shock, our morality the severest taints, and our local taxation its 
largest addition. 

I do not wish to be understood as asserting that this emigration is 
detrimental as a whole. Among them are many honest, industrious, 
and thrifty people, whose presence here may be called a blessing to 
the country ; but it is to that portion that I allude who, like the Bel- 
gians, have been sent out of their own country as either paupers or 
criminals. 

If nearly two hundred thousand found their way here in 1854, 
(many being transferred directly from the ship to the Aims-House,) 
when it was a doubtful question whether our authorities had not the 
power to expel or imprison them, how many may we not look for, 
when it is known abroad that a simple application of a writ of ha- 
beas corpus will place them at large, in defiance of all municipal 
regulations ? 

The process of filling our prisons and alms-liouses has now become 
simplified. The foreign government who desires to rid itself of this 
burden, has but to instruct its minister or consul to engage the serv- 
ices of some attorney at the port in this country where it is to be 
sent, and a writ is taken out, and " the deed is done." 

In view of these facts, I need not add, that legislation is demanded 
without delay to put a stop to it. I hope Congress will do some- 
thing for us. The country can be served in no better or more 
effectual manner, as far as it respects the welfare of the people. 
Very respectfully yours, 

Feknaxdo "Wood, Mayor. 

Fears were then entertained by some of tlie foreign 
governments that emigration itself was to be opposed 
here, and Mr. Fay, Charge d' Affaires at Berne, wrote to 
the Mayor. His answer, which follows, snccinctly and 
clearly shows the exact position of this country towards 
the emigrant, and sets forth clearly the real evils com- 



278 BIOGKAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

plained of, and the duty of the general government to 

cure them. 

New-York, May 8, 1855. 

Sir : I am in receipt of a letter from you without date, received 
per tlie last European mail. I had before been advised of the desire 
manifested by you, to protect this country from the evil, and our 
naturalized citizens from the odium, of the immigration to our shores 
of certain classes who are detrimental to the morals and well-being 
of our people. 

The authorities, and particularly our foreign population from the 
German States, should thank you, for your exertions to this end, so 
far as your influence upon the government of Switzerland is con- 
cerned, and that government has commended itself to our good 
opinion, by its promptness in complying with your request. 

In reply to what ia stated in your letter now before me, relating 
to the reception of emigrants, and asking " due for'oparance with re- 
gard to too sudden application of severe rules, and that such regular 
tions, when suddenly adopted, may not be put in force against Swiss 
citizens without timely notice," I have the honor to say, that, so far 
as is known to me, there is no disposition in this country to resort to 
injurious or oppressive measures against the Swiss, or any other 
emigrant. No change is contemplated, except it be for the better 
protection of his interests or welfare. And if no change is made by 
the authorities to his disadvantage, you will agree with me, that 
every right or favor which hospitality or humanity can dictate is 
well secured to him. 

Indeed, our own native citizens, when reaching this city from dis- 
tant sections of the Union, do not receive the kindly aid which is con- 
stantly and diligently exercised for the foreign emigrant. A large 
number of our City Police, at great expense, have been detailed 
especially for their protection, without the treasury deriving one 
dollar in return from any quarter whatever. The State has organized 
a Board of Commissioners, whose exclusive duty it is to look after 
nis welfare, without any pecuniary consideration to the gentlemen 
comprishig it. Numerous private and public institutions not only 
watch over and shield them, but provide employment and iuforma- 



ABOUT EMIGEANTS. 27^ 

tion, with no other reward than what philanthropy furnishes ; and no 
inconsiderable portion of my own time is devoted to the same objects. 
No country has thrown around the exile the same safeguards, or 
offered to him the same advantages. 

As the United States is the most favored nation, so has the foreign 
emigrant become its most favored people. And, so far as his recep- 
tion and protection when arriving here are concerned, I apprehend 
there is no disposition to alter this course towards him. It is proper, 
however, to add, that whilst this is our policy generally, we are not 
indifierent to the conduct of those governments, who, in defiance of 
all principles of courtesy and gratitude, force upon us their convicts 
and paupers. This we condenm and denounce, and at this port shall 
not be longer tolerated. If outcasts from their own countries, dis- 
qualified either by crime, disease, or destitution, from the rights of 
citizenship there, we do not want them here. If unfit for the less 
enlightened and intelligent countries of Continental Europe, they are 
unworthy of our reception. If too degraded for European morality, 
they have sunk too low for American association. It is not against 
the honest and industrious stranger, who voluntarily seeks our land 
as a refuge from oppression, or as developing better rewards for his 
industry, that we feel repugnance ; but it is to the depraved, the 
vicious, the indolent, and the diseased mendicant, who, from a policy 
as inhuman as it is narrow-minded and selfish, are driven in upon us, 
through motives of mistaken political economy. 

It is this practice, which, if continued, will lead not only to the strin- 
gent measures you fear, but to more serious results. It will become a 
source of national difficulty. In my opinion, the central government 
at Washington must take more emphatic cognizance of the subject. 
No government can long resist the public sentiment now forming 
antagonistic to it. It is at AVashington that the States have cen- 
tred the control of their foreign interests ; and it is there that the 
people naturally look for relief from foreign aggression. Nor does it, 
in my judgment, call even for congressional action. The Executive, 
it appears to me, has ample power to reach the evil. A decided 
remonstrance, clothed in language which could not be misunderstood, 
would command respect, and accomplish its abolition. The moral 



280 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

power of this nation, if energetically and determinedly exercised, can 
not be disregarded. If in my humble sphere, confined to the narrow 
limits of a municipal office, restricted and hampered by charters and 
laws, and deprived of any real control over the matter, I have been 
enabled to check in any degree the sending of these people here, to 
how much greater extent it could have been accomplished, provided 
a similar policy had been adopted by those possessing actual power 
over our foreign relations. 

The disregard of a diplomatic technicality, or the unhappy turning 
of a period in diplomatic correspondence, is often made the grounds 
of complaint, and sometimes produces war. How then should 
it be, when suffering under the infliction of a positive wrong, so 
injurious to our national welfare, and so insulting to our national 
pride ? 

I am glad that the government of Switzerland evinces so consider- 
ate a feeling and high sense of honor on this question, and it can rest 
assured it will not be disadvantageous to its citizens, when reaching 
this hospitable but much-abused city. 

I have the honor to be, with much consideration, your fellow- 
citizen, ' Fernando Wood. 

The Belgian and Sardinian governments having on 
hand a number of convicted felons and incurable pau- 
pers, and not happening to be in immediate need of 
them, generously resolved to bestow them, for our edu- 
cation, upon us. Our Mayor, however, appears to have 
seen this proposed kindness in a different light from 
the amiable governments which originated it. He re- 
ceived the Belgians and put them into the city prison ; 
as for the Sardinians, he stopped them out at sea. Then 
followed a hint to United States Consuls abroad to the 
following effect, " That an ounce of prevention is worth 
a pound of cure," and that if they would nip such emi- 
grations in the bud, they would save the rulers here 



ABOUT EMIGKANTS. 281 

much trouble and the paternal governments over there 
the expense of the voyage. 

The subjoined letters -will show more distinctly the 
exact features of this case. 

Mayor's Office, New- York, February 14, 1855. 
H. "W. T. Mali, Esq., Belgian Consul, New-York. 

After mature deliberation and examination of the testimony taken 
before Justice Bogart, together with additional information from the 
American consul at Antwerp, just received, I am reluctantly forced 
to the conclusion, that the persons now in the city prison, who came 
as emigrant passengers by the ship Rochambeau, from Antwerp, are 
not of a character to be permitted to go at large in this city or in 
this country, and while we can not set them at liberty, we can not 
longer retain them in custody. Some measures must be adopted at 
once, to relieve the city from the expense of providing for them, and 
at the same time to secure us from the danger of their presence 
abroad in the country. Therefore as it is beyond question, from the 
evidence before me, and which is open to your examination, that 
they were embarked at Antwerp by the order and at the expense of 
the Belgian local authorities, I suggest that they be returned to 
their own country at the cost of the Belgian government, whose 
agent you are in this city. I see no other recourse. Humanity and 
justice require, that they should no longer be retained in prison in 
this city, where they have committed no offense ; and self-preservation 
requires that we should prevent them being set at liberty here, with 
a belief that their presence would be dangerous to our property. 

From your high character in this city, and knowledge and appre- 
ciation of our institutions, I am confident you will comprehend the 
necessity which forces me to take this position, and promptly respond 
to the request that these people be rcembarked for Antwerp without 
delay. 

I am with great respect your obedient servant, 

Fernando "Wood, Mayor. 

P. S. — The ship Henry Read, which arrived at this port from 
Antwerp, 10th instant, had on board six or eight of the same class 



282 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO "WOOD. 

of emigrants, sent by the Belgian authorities, under the same cir- 
cumstances as those now referred to per Kochambeaa ; but my in- 
formation of the fact, which is official, did not reach me until the 
13tli instant, when too late to take action, and they are now in our 
midst to add to the crime aud destitution which surround me on all 
sides. F. W. 



Mayor's Office, New-York, January 26, 1855. 
C. Fabbricotti, 

Vice-Consul of Sardinia. 

Sir : On the 19th December last, the Sardinian frigate, Dea Ge- 
neys, commanded by the Chevalier Mantica, sailed from Genoa for 
this port, having on board over sixty persons intended to be landed 
on arrival, who are represented by competent authority through our 
Department of State at Washington to have been objectionable or 
dangerous citizens, some of whom had been in prison in Turin and 
elsewhere. There is no doubt that the emigrants alluded to are in- 
tended to be cast upon our shores like others have been under similar 
circumstances, to find their way into our prisons or alms-houses, to 
become a burden or a pest upon this hospitable but much-abused 
land. It is my duty as the chief-magistrate of this city to inform 
you, the representative of the Sardinian government here, that if the 
representations in this case are true, these outcasts from your country 
shall not be permitted a landing at this port. And it is the object of 
this letter to advise you, as you will probably have immediate commu- 
nication with the commander of the frigate, that I propose to institute 
a rigid inquu-y on board of the vessel as to the past life and present cir- 
cumstances and condition of each of these persons before they can come 
on shore, and all who had been convicts or paupers, whom it is rea- 
sonable to suppose will be dangerous citizens, will be excluded 
entirely, and for the remainder bonds must be given that they will 
not become a charge upon this country. 

Upon the arrival of the Des Geneys, I shall be pleased to confer 



ABOUT EMIGRANTS. 283 

with you or the commander, as to the mode of conducting the pro- 
posed examination. Very respectfully yours, 

(Signed,) Fernando Wood, Mayor. 



CIRCULAR FORWARDED TO UNITED STATES CONSULS IN EUROPE. 

Mayor's Office, New-York, April 12, 1855. 

Sir : It has long been the practice of many of the local authori- 
ties of several of the continental European nations, not only to en- 
courage the emigration to this country of their indigent and desti- 
tute, but to send here, at their own expense, paupers and convicts. 

This city has been made the great entrepot for the delivery of these 
outcasts and banished mendicants. The authorities here have deter- 
mined to submit to this no longer, and are resolved to use every 
means at their command to prevent it entirely, if possible. 

There is no doubt that Congress will at its next session adopt 
some preventives which will prove perfectly effectual to this end. 
Until then, however, we must guard against it as best we may. 

You will confer a great favor upon this city and upon the country 
you represent by aiding us. This can be done by promptly commu- 
nicating to me all the information in your possession at any time, 
relative to the intention of the authorities of the city to which you 
are accredited as consul, or any other which you may have reason to 
think intend to send this class of people to this country. 

Please furnish me the names and description of these persons, the 
vessel by which sent; the port of destination, and, if possible, evidence 
sufficient to fix the character of the emigrant. 

In thus cooperating with the authorities of this city to prevent an 
evil which has afflicted us for many years, and which has heretofore 
been remonstrated against in vain, I am confident you will but second 
an earnest wish of the general government at Washington. 
Yery respectfully yours, 

Fernando Wood, Mayou 



CHAPTER XVI. 

REFORMS DEMANDED — DIFFICULTIES IN THE MAYOR'S WAT — REFORMS 
OBTAINED — DAY IN THE MAYOR'S OFFICE. 

Our task is nearly ended. We liave sliown in our 
cliapter on tlie Mayoralty, page 156, wliat was tlie con- 
dition of tlie city wlien Fernando Wood was elected, 
over three other candidates, to its cMef-magistracy. 
We have endeavored in onr first chapter to show the 
radical causes of such a municipal condition, and the 
difficulties in the way of reform, and have now but to 
sum up the contents of this volume, add a few pages, 
and so lay down the pen. 

On the first day of January, 1855, Mayor Wood took 
his first official survey of the city he had been called to 
govern. He found the pubhc moneys shamefully wasted, 
broken contracts paid for, ordinances violated for bribes 
or favoritism. He found the streets of this gTeat me- 
tropohs ill-paved, broken by carts and omnibuses into 
ruts and perilous gullies, obstructed by boxes and sigm 
boards, impassable by reason of thronging vehicles, and 
filled with filth and garbage, which was left where it 
had been thrown, to rot and send out its pestiferous 
fumes, breeding fever and cholera, and a host of dis- 



REFORMS DEMANDED. 285 

eases all over the city. He found hacks, carts, and 
omnibuses choking the thoroughfares, their Jehu drivers 
dashing through the crowd furiously, reckless of life ; 
women and children were knocked down and trampled 
on, and the ruffians drove on uncaught ; hackmen over- 
charged and were iasolent to their passengers ; baggage- 
smashers haunted the docks, tearing one's baggage 
about, stealing it sometimes, and demanding from timid 
women and stranger men unnumbered fees for doing 
mischief, or for doing nothing ; emigrant runners, half- 
bull-dog and half-leech, burst in crowds upon the decks 
of arriving ships, carried off the poor foreign people, 
fleeced them, and 'set them adrift upon the town ; row- 
dyism seemed to rule the city ; it was at the risk of your 
life that you walked the streets late at night ; the club, 
the knife, the slung-shot, and revolver were in constant 
activity ; the Sunday low dram-shops polluted the Sab- 
bath air, disturbed its sacred stillness, and in the after- 
noon and night sent forth their crowds of wretches 
infuriate with bad liquor, to howl out blasphemies, to 
fight, or to lie prone, swine-like, on the side- walks and 
in the gutters. Prostitution, grown bold by impunity, 
polluted the public highway, brazenly insolent to mod- 
esty and common decency ; and idle policemen, undis- 
tinguished from other citizens, lounged about, gaped, 
gossipped, drank, and smoked, inactively useless upon 
street-corners and in porter-houses. 

Mr. "Wood had this complicated disease to cure. 

Not an easy task ; for were there not by charter nine 
different, independent, sovereign departments to rule the 
city ? Yes ; and to the legislative municipal powers he 



286 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

looked in vain for aid : they were too busy witli their 
contracts, with their inquiries about the birth-place of 
city officers, with researches into matters of no conse- 
quence to the people, and they left the chief-magistrate's 
first prayer for help imnoticed on their table for eight 
months. Besides all this, his powers were undefined, he 
knew not what he was authorized to do ; he must take 
the responsibility of assuming doubtful powers, if he 
were to purify this pestilential establishment. But, if 
he did not know his powers, his duties were carefully 
set before him. He is to do manifold labor besides this 
work of reform, for he is one of the highest criminal 
Magistrates in the city, the Chief of the Police Depart- 
ment, President of the Board of Supervisors, President 
of the Sinking Fund Commissioners, President of the 
Police Commissioners, President of the Leake & "Watts' 
Orphan Asylum, ex-officio member of Commissioners of 
Emigration, President of the Board of Trustees of the 
Sailors' Snug Harbor, President of the Board of Health 
Commissioners, ex-officio Director of the New- York Ju- 
venile Asylum, ex-officio member of the Board of Trus- 
tees of the Astor Library, and ex-officio Trustee of the 
Eastern Dispensary. 

All this does not dismay him ; he will fulfill punctually 
all the duties of these offices, and will do more — he will 
accomplish his work of reform and give good govern- 
ment to this city; if he can not get aid from the Common 
Council, then, with the help of God and his -own deter- 
mined will. So he established his Complaint-Book. 
Those thousand little iniquities practised upon the poor 
should also come up before him, and he would have just- 
ice done. 



REFORMS OBTAINED. 287 

He began his work, and if he has not arrived at per- 
fection, let us remember he has worked alone. But not 
before, in our time, have the streets been clean and un- 
obstructed as now ; the records of the Health Commis- 
sioners' office show an unexampled improvement in the 
sanitary condition of the city ; the Complaint-Book has 
taught the hackman to be legal in his charges and civil 
to his passengers; the cartman and omnibus man have 
learned to stop racing, and to drive without running 
over pedestrians ; he has placed policemen at the most 
frequented crossings, to stop from time to tune the tor- 
rent of vehicles until the pedestrians gathered on the 
sidewalks can cross ; he has smashed the baggage-smash- 
er, and rescued the poor emigrant from the clutches of 
the brutal runner; he has seen the wronged sewing- 
woman and poor servant-girl righted ; he has made at 
least the more frequented streets as safe by night as in 
the day-time ; he closed the vile Sunday dram-shops till 
the Legislature at Albany took his power away, and 
threw them open again ; and he has done all this by 
the help of the Police which he has re-created — of which 
he has made a splendid regiment of uniformed, disci- 
plined, military, and useful men, his own glory and the 
pride of the city. 

Kothing has been too small to attract his notice and 
action ; nothing so great as not to claim his attention to 
the utmost limit of his power ; he has shown that when- 
ever a law exists it can be executed ; he has proved 
that abuses can be reformed ; he has convinced despair- 
ing Kew- Yorkers that their great and beautiful city can 
be well governed ; he has taught the Common Council 



288 BIOGEAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

by stern, peremptory vetoes, tliat tlie public moneys shall 
not be wasted ; and be bas gained for himself the reso- 
lute good opinion, admiration, and lasting respect of 
the moral and rehgious world, of the truly temperate, 
of the protection-seeking owner of vast property, and 
of the poor man, whose interests he has so carefully con- 
sidered. But he has mortally and, I trust, irremediably 
offended the professor of rowdyism, cheatery, and vio- 
lence, as well as the ultra-fanatic and the small politician, 
who has been crazed and blinded by an unreasoning 
partisanship. 

We will close this chapter with an extract from the 
New- York Courier & Enquirer^ which gives an admirable 
idea of "A Day in the Mayor's Office:" 

We saw the Mayor on tbe 5th day of February, 1855, in the City 
Hall, and we now give a faithful chronicle of all that there occurred 
during the regular hours of his sitting to listen to the complaints and 
petitions of citizens, and issue his orders for the government of the 
city. 

Although quite early in the morning, and the Mayor had but just 
arrived, a crowd is waiting for him in the passage of the City Hall 
leading to the apartments allotted to his use. It is a motley crowd, 
mostly men, a few women, and representing fairly, in almost every 
grade, the varied population of the city. With a part of the crowd 
we enter, and are within what is called the Mayor's office. No grandeur 
meets the eye — nothing but two rooms, plain in architecture and furni- 
ture, but with lofty ceilings — the one large and spacious, the other 
half the size of the first — the greater part of the first railed off, leaving 
an open space on a line with the outer door — within the rail, full of 
desks and clerks — without the rail, the crowd seeking an interview 
with the Mayor. At the outer door, police officers with shining stars ; 
at the door of the rail, more stars ; and at the door of the smaller 
room, another star, to usher you into the municipal sanctum — clerks 



A. DAY IN THE MAYOR'S OFFICE. 289 

all polite and attentive, stars very benignant— all very orderly and 
noiseless in their movements, but brisk and prompt — a spirit, in fact, 
of orderly and noiseless energy in the outer room, marking a ruling 
spirit of the same character beyond in the inner chamber. Such are 
all the pomp and grandeur of the Mayor's office in its various appoint- 
ments. But we are within the inner chamber, and in the presence of 
the Mayor. 

A slight figure of a man with features pale but strongly marked, 
particularly about the mouth, on the compressed lips of which great 
firmness is legibly written, is seated in a plain oak chair, covered 
with green silk velvet, before an equally plain mahogany counting- 
house table. 

Thus sat the Hon. Fernando Wood, Mayor of the City of New- 
York, President of the Board of Supervisors, President of the Board 
of Sinking-Fund Commissioners, President of the Board of Police 
Commissioners, President of the Leake & Watts' Orphan Asylum, 
eX'officio Member of the Board of Emigrant Commissioners, Mem- 
ber of the Board of Trustees of Sailors' Snug Harbor, Director of 
the New- York Juvenile Asylum, Member of the Board of Trustees 
of the Astor Library, in his chair of state, in the inner chamber of 
his office in the City Hall. 

" Mr. H., I wish to know when the taxes on this property were 
paid, or whether they were paid at all I wish to know all about it. 
Can you inform me ?" 

These words of the Mayor, in a business-like and yet polite tone, 
were addressed to a gentlemanly-looking little man, who, taking the 
slips of paper which the Mayor held out to him, answered in the 
same prompt manner in which he had been addressed, that he thought 
he could get the information of another ofiBcial whom he named, and 
then disappeared. 

At the same moment the police star shone at the door, and an 
elderly man, tall in person and dignified in appearance, was ushered 
in. He held in his hand a small bundle of slips of paper, the peculiar 
form of the printing and writing on which would strongly suggest to 
any one conversant with financial matters, the idea of bank-checks. 
And bank-checks they were, signed by one city official, and wantuig 

13 



290 BIOGEAPHY OF FEKSTANDO WOOD. 

only the signature of another to raise their real value to that repre- 
sented by the figures on their faces. The signature wanting was the 
Mayor's. He took them from the hand of the elderly man, but he 
did not take it for granted that they were all right, and place his sig- 
nature upon them as if it was a matter of mere form. He examined 
them carefully one by one, and after a few questions, satisfied that all 
was correct, placed his name upon them. The checks were connected 
with the payment of street commissioners, which led to a brief con- 
versation on the street department of the city government generally, 
in which the Mayor spoke openly of the crying abuses in that depart- 
ment, in the way of the sinecures enjoyed by many street-inspectors, 
and the loose manner in which it was customary to pay street con> 
missioners before the work was done. He expressed his determina- 
tion to do all in bis power to remedy the evil, and declared he would 
not sign any warrant for payment in certain cases, until every require- 
ment of the law was complied with from the beginning to the end, 
no matter what had been the custom, and no matter what any other 
official or other branch of the city government said to the contrary. 
His tone was firm although pleasant, and the elderly gentleman with 
the checks, evidently thinking the Mayor was right and knew what 
he was about, departed. 

The foot of the elderly gentleman had not yet crossed the threshold, 
when there was another entrance, and this time it was a captain of 
police. There was a complaint about the removal of some men de- 
tailed at his office, to duty in a different direction, and the Mayor said : 

" Altogether too many detailed men, sir, about the Department, 
weakening the strength of the force that should be on active duty in 
the wards ; 170 men detailed about the courts, for instance, besides 
those detailed for private interests. I shall endeavor to remedy it. 
If railroads, or any other interests, want policemen for their special 
benefit, let them pay the city for it. I could throw ^40,000 a year 
into the City Treasury by this means, whereas now the city loses by 
the operation of these private detailed policemen." And the Mayor, 
after saying more on this subject, arranged the matter in hand with 
the captain of police apparently to his satisfaction, and the latter 
also took his leave. 



A DAY IN THE MAYOR'S OFFICE. 291 

Two policemen now entered the room, and it was evident that 
Bomething of an unusual occurrence was on hand. It was soon de- 
veloped. A complaint had been made against the two policemen for 
an ofiense of a very aggravated character. The Mayor had sent for 
them, and they were now present. 

" Tell your story, sir," said the Mayor ; and the man told it in a 
straightforward manner. The Mayor looked keenly on him during 
the recital, and frequently interrupted him to put some searching 
questions. 

" This case is one of the gravest importance," said the Mayor when 
the man had finished, " and shall be thoroughly investigated. I refer 
it over to the Commissioners of Police." 

There was next ushered in an individual whose general appearance 
might be described as one of the " unwashed." On his hands and 
face, black seemed to be contending with flesh-color for the possession 
of the ground, and the contest was of such an equal nature as to leave 
the spectator in doubt as to which had the mastery. The glance of 
the man's eye, which shone out from the dirt of his thick, heavy 
features, was restless and uneasy, and fell beneath the gaze of the 
Mayor. 

" Here again, sir," said the latter ; " I thought I gave you sufficient 
warning. I am determined to put down all these junk-shops, which 
are nothing but the nurseries of young thieves. Mr. Ming !" 

" Sure your Honor I kape a respictable shop," interrupted the man 
in a rapid voice ; but the Mayor's hand had struck a small bell on 
the table before him, and Mr. Ming was in the room in an instant. 

" Revoke that man's license !" said the Mayor ; and at the same 
time a star shone at the side of him of the " unwashed," and the star 
lighted him from the presence of the Mayor. 

" I come, Mr. Mayor, to complain of a den of thieves in street. 

It professes to be a public-house, and has, I am informed, a license ; 
but it is the resort of burglars, and from it they issue on the roofs of 
the houses on the same block, and come down through the scuttles 
to rob them. One was robbed last night, and one a night or two 
ago." 

Such was the address of a middle-aged gentleman to the Mayor, 



292 BIOGKAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

the moment the junk-shop delinquent had left. The Mayor touched 
the bell. 

" Mr. Hinchman," said he, to the gentleman who answered the 

summons, " ascertain, if you please, if the house in street has a 

license, and in the mean time, send for the captain of the Ward 

Police. Have the goodness to wait a moment, Mr. ;" and the 

complainant of the resort of thieves gave place to a short, thick-set 
man, with an immense pair of black whiskers, who, pulling a pawn- 
ticket from his pocket, said : 

" I have been cheated, your Honor, by this pawnbroker ;" and the 
man then told a long story about his pawning a cap for six shillings, 
and pawning other articles, and getting no ticket nor money for the 
cap. The Mayor listened attentively, took the ticket, looked at it, 
and then handed it over to one of his clerks, with the direction that 
he would inquire into the matter, as there must be some mistake 
about it, for the pawnbroker complained of was one of the most 
respectable of his class. 

The next visitors to the Mayor, who were ushered into his pre- 
sence, were' two gentlemen, one of whom took from his pocket a for- 
midable-looking document, and made known his business as follows : 

" Mr. Mayor, I have been appointed an auctioneer, and my secu- 
rities live in county, and are not here to justify. I wish for 

some advice how I shall proceed." 

'•' Go by the law, my friend," answered the Mayor, pleasantly ; " I 
can not help you in that particular ; the law points out the course for 
you to pursue, and you have only to take legal advice and follow it;" 
and the newly-appointed auctioneer, with his friend, bowed and re- 
tired. 

" Please, sir, I hire a house of Mr. for dollars. I pay him 

one month's advance — I can not pay him this month in advance, the 
times is hard — I agree to pay him in advance, but I can not pay him 
for this month until next month. But he says I must go out ; what 
shall I do ?" 

Thus spoke, in a slightly foreign accent, a man dressed very plainly, 
and apparently belonging to the working classes. He had stood 
ready with a friend who accompanied him, to occupy the attention 



A DAY DT THE MAYOR'S OFFICE. 293 

of the Mayor as soon as the auctioneer left. ■ In order that the Mayor 
should not fail to be fully informed of all the particulars of the case, 
his friend repeated, with a few additions, the story of the rent, and 
then awaited an answer with eager looks. 

" My friend," said the Mayor, " I can not help you ; you must 
keep your contract, I see no other help for you." 

The rent man, with a disappointed air, retired with his friend. He 
evidently had expected something like an order from the Mayor com- 
manding the landlord to suffer him to remain in the house whether he 
paid or not. 

At this moment, the captain of "Ward Police, who had been 

sent for in reference to the house in p- street, where the thieves 

resorted, made his appearance before the Mayor. 

" Do you know any thing of this house, and the character of its 
inmates ?" said the Mayor. • 

" Yes, sir, I believe it has a license as a public house, but it has a 
bad character." A clerk here entered and informed the Mayor that 
the house was licensed. 

" Revoke the license," said the Mayor to the clerk, " and you. Cap- 
tain, will please to attend to this house at once. Send some one 
there immediately. I expect you will do what is necessary iu the 
premises, and for the protection of that block of houses which seems 
now to be so exposed;" and thus the Mayor disposed of the "Resort 
of Thieves" in street for the present. 

" Dis voman's huspan peen in jail 'leven day — no preat — no money 
— no noting — and have five Icetlc chiltren— speak no English, and 
vants her huspan pe let from ter jail." 

These words were addressed to the Mayor by his next visitor, a 
short, fat German, coarsely clad, who held his hat respectfully in one 
hand, while with the other he motioned to a woman who accompa- 
nied him to step up nearer to the table, as if he wanted the Mayor to 
have a better view of her. 

" And her hand is no goot," he continued, as the woman complied 
with his request and stepped up in fuller view of the Mayor. 

A curious little figure was the poor German woman who came 
to beg her husband from the prison. Short and thick-set, as wide 



294 BIOGKAPHY OF FEENANDO WOOD. 

as she was long, and not much shape in breadth or width, repul- 
sively plain in feature, and yet the repulsion softened by the tears 
which streamed down her eyes turned imploringly on the Mayor. 
One of her hands was bound up in a dirty cloth, and rested in a 
sling formed of a still dirtiey handkerchief. 

" What is her husband's ndfme?" asked the Mayor. 

" Conrad — and there ish another man vat has got a woman vat is 
in te jail too." 

" Ah ! I recollect— the bone-boilers in street, to whom I gave 

warning ; well, I'll send for them, and see if they have had punish- 
ment enough ;" and the Mayor touched his bell, and gave orders to 
have the men brought from the prison. 

The German wife and her friend were then escorted by the star 
to the outer room, and an ex-Senator and a member of the Assembly 
of the State of New- York, were then introduced. 

The ex-Senator called, he said, simply to pay his respects to the 
Mayor, and thank him for the manly and energetic manner in which 
he was enforcing the laws for the benefit of the city of New-York, 
and he was happy to pay his tribute of respect. The Assemblyman 
called also to pay his respects. A brief conversation followed, in 
which the Mayor said he was determined to enforce all the laws, and 
make New-York as distinguished for order as it has been for disor- 
der. As for shutting up the liquor places on Sunday, he should pur- 
sue it to the very end of the law, make it a personal matter, if neces- 
sary, and indict every place disobeying, if he could not reach them 
in any other way. But he was happy to say that, in most instances, 
he had been successful, and most all had yielded. "The Fourth and 
Sixth Wards gave him the most trouble, for their representatives in 
the Common Council would not cooperate with him. But he should 
go on to the end undeterred. Something was said concerning the 
change for the better which had taken place in the police since he 
came into power. The Mayor observed that he considered the police 
his right arm, but he must have control of them. A movement was 
now on foot in the Legislature to render him a blank either in their 
appointment or control, and if it should prevail, it would deprive hun 
of one of his strongest aids to introduce and keep good order in the 



A DAY IN THE MAYOR'S OFFICE. 295 

city. The movement is to have four Commissioners of Police elect- 
ive by the people, making him the fifth Commissioner. The Mayor 
considers it an effort to palsy his arm of power, and that the practical 
workings of such a law would produce such a result. 

The two bone-boilers now arrived in charge of policemen, and the 
visitors took their leave. 

Shaggy and wild looked the two bone-boilers as they stood before 
the Mayor, twirling their caps, while meekly beside them stood the 
little, broad wife, with the tears rolling down her brown, coarse 
cheeks, and falling on the bound-up hand in the sling. 

The Mayor touched his bell. '' Call Mr. Semlar," he said, and 
Mr. Semlar, of the Emigrant Department of the Mayor's office, was 
before him almost instantly. 

" Mr. Semlar, ask them if they have had enough of the prison." 

Mr. Semlar put the question in German, and two hearty yaws 
were heard, which were only exceeded in emphatic accent by an ener- 
getic and rapid bobbing of two heads,- which showed that the whole 
eouls of the two bone-boilers were in the yaws and the bobs, 

*' Now ask them whether they will ever repeat the offense." 

Two neins, and the shaking of two heads, characterized by the 
same heartiness and energy as the yaws and the bobbings, were the 
answer, and the broad, little wife, locked the only arm she had at 
command in that of her husband, and escorted him away in joy, fol- 
lowed by the other German whose wife had not honored the Mayor 
with her presence. 

The next visitor was the Chief of Police. He came dressed in full 
police uniform, and after respectfully saluting the Mayor was seen 
in a deep consultation with him, which was conducted in a low tone, 
but with great earnestness on both sides. It had reference to the 
arrest of two prize-fighters, and the next day developed the evidence 
how watchful and prompt the Mayor had been in preventing a most 
disgraceful and brutal scene taking place in the neighborhood of 
New-York. The prize-fight between John Leese and Frank Mcln- 
tyre, which was to come off that day at Parker's Island, in the 
East Pwiver, was effectually stopped, and Leese safely locked up in a 
prison. 



296 BIOGEAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

A lady and two gentlemen entered immediately on the departure 
of the Chief. 

" This lady has been most shamefully defrauded and robbed by 
those who pretended to be her friends," commenced one of the gentle- 
men, " but perhaps she had better tell the story herself." 

The lady was on the point of speaking, when the Mayor waved his 
hand. 

" With all respect," he said pleasantly, " I would suggest that the 
gentleman tell the story ; you ladies, in such matters, are apt, some- 
times, to go a good way around before you get at the point." 

And the gentleman told the story. The lady's father was dead, 
and had left her heir to a gun, an invention of his own. It had 
eleven barrels, could be loaded at the breech, and would fire one hun- 
dred and twenty shots a minute. Two pretended friends had obtained 
from her possession of this gun, by false representations, and she 
came fbr redress. Such in brief was her story. 

" Write out an aflBdavit, and bring it to me, properly executed, 
and I will order their arrest at once : the case seems an aggravated 
one," promptly said the Mayor ; and the parties departed to follow 
his directions. 

There were several other complaints made during the Mayor's sit- 
ting, but we have given the principal features of the day. Among 
the last persons who claimed the attention of his Honor, was a man 
bearing a beautiful white satin flag, with the arms of the city em- 
broidered on it in blue and silver. It is a flag which he intends using 
in boarding, whenever he sees fit, vessels entering the harbor. 

As the clock struck two, the Mayor ordered the doors to be closed, 
and of course we closed our " Day at the Mayor's Office." 



CHAPTER XVII. 

FERNAXDO WOOD. 

The personal appearance of the Mayor of the city of 
Kew-York is considerably indicative of his character. 
He is about five feet eleven in height, spare, but wiry 
and strong in build, and very erect, rather military indeed, 
in carriage. The head, not large but distinctly charac- 
terized, shows strong will, perceptiveness, combination, 
and decision ; the well-opened blue eye is calm, except 
for an occasional sparkle of fun ; the forehead is rather 
high than broad, giving the imaginative quahties less 
room than the more purely rational ones. The mouth 
is straight and firm, and the lips apt to be compressed ; 
and the under jaw, in which, with the mouth, the great 
character of the face lies, is massive and of iron strength ; 
eloquent of will, energy, and great capacity of endur- 
ance. 

His voice is kind and well-toned, but lacks all impuls- 
ive intonations — is rather a grave voice, denoting either 
lack of quick passions, or great and habitual control 
over them. His manner is suave and courteous; in 
business hours you are struck with the courtesy with 
which he gives you his closest attention, but when your 
13* 



298 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

business with him is over, he turns away at once and nnaf- 
fectedlj to other occupations. He does not bow when 
he speaks to you, but standing perfectly erect puts out 
his hand to you, looking fully though kindly into your 
eyes. While you are stating your case, he does not 
weigh the matter as you proceed, but is altogether ab- 
sorbed in listening, and when you have finished speaking 
he keeps silence for a moment and then decides. To 
that decision, if you adduce no new contra-arguments, 
he remains inflexibly firm. 

This physique and manner reveal his predominant 
moral qualities, which are, great self-command, physical 
and moral courage, quick appreciation and decision, pro- 
digious energy, and a resolute unshakenness of will that 
nearly approaches to obstinacy. To relieve these sterner 
traits, he has an intense love for children and a quick 
and genial though not much practised sense of humor 
and relish of fan. 

Politically, Mr. Wood is a Democrat. The struggle 
which has existed for years between the sections of 
that party in the State of ISTew-York is well known. It 
is unnecessary to allude to the causes here. The antago- 
nism has been violent, the acrimony bitter : it reached 
every member of the party who was forced to participate 
to some extent in the strife. No man of any conse- 
quence could avoid becoming embroiled in it. Mr. 
Wood had always been identified with the Democratic 
party, was its candidate for Congress in 1840, and for 
the Mayoralty in 1850. He did not, however, sympa- 
thize with the violent men of either of the contending 
factions ; nor has he been identified with a clique nor 



• FERNANDO WOOD. 299 

known as a mere hanger-on to greater men. He has 
been the follower of no aspirant after the Presidency, 
but has contented himself by giving a consistent sup- 
port to the regular nominees of his party, as they were 
duly put forth by the regular National Convention. 

In 1848, he supported Lewis Cass as the Democratic 
candidate for President. But in the conflicts of his 
party he took little part, believing that so far as regards 
the^ principles for which this party was distinguished, 
there was no distinction nor division of opinion. He 
could not really be called "Hard" or " Soft," though a 
member of the latter organization and in full commun- 
ion with it. The confidence which both sections placed 
in him was evinced upon the occasion of his last nomi- 
nation for Mayor. Although each had a separate 
nominating convention, and though each held a hostile 
attitude towards the other, yet both concurred in nomi- 
nating him their candidate without any effort or solici- 
tation upon his part. 

No greater mark of confidence could have been given, 
nor is there another man- in the party who could have 
commanded it. It was a compliment to his personal 
character and eminent abilities rather than to his identity 
with the strifes of either faction, although no doubt, the 
leaders on both sides saw in his, an available name 
which they desired to secure to aid their candidates for 
other offices. 

In national politics, Mr. Wood's opinions are purely 
republican, inclining more towards those of Washington 
as gathered from the writings of that great man, than 
towards those of any other statesman of this country. He 



300 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

is witiial a strict Constitutionalist, believing in no latitudi- 
narian experiments upon tlie meaning of the Constitu- 
tion -^ and lie would maintain witli rigid firmness, the 
rights, prerogatives, and local political individualities of 
the States. He is thoroughly a State Rights man. On 
the old party issues, National Bank, Tariff, Distribution 
of the proceeds of sales of Public Lands, Sub-Treasury, 
etc., he has not changed his opinion, but still adheres to 
the position of the Democratic party in 1840. As for 
the Tariff, he not only looks on protection as unconsti- 
tutional but looks upon absolute free-trade as essential 
to the continued prosperity of the country ; without it, 
indeed, he behoves that the city of Kew-York can not 
continue her present advance towards greatness and 
power, while with it he believes that not the city only 
will prosper in a far greater progressive ratio than here- 
tofore. 

Therefore he would desire an immediate material re- 
duction of the Tariff and a gradual abolition of it alto- 
gether. In foreign affairs he would not only maintain 
the Monroe doctrine of non-intervention, but would, 
without waiting for exchange of diplomatic courtesies, 
resent any affront to the flag or honor of his country. 
He would carry no grievance to the footstool of king or 
queen, but by a bold, instant, armed resentment, would 
let the demand for explanation come from the offended 
dignity of the other side. He could defend an act of 
reprisal better than he could ask from royalty repara- 
tion for arn injury to American commerce or honor. 

In the maintenance of a nation's interests, he can see 
no other principles of government than those acted upon 



FERNANDO WOOD. 801 

by him in commanding the observance of municipal 
laws. In both is required the exercise of a firm power^ 
a strong will, a manly spiiit, and an invariable ofiicial 
fidelity. 

The characteristics a,nd principles of the Mayor, and 
.the determined action which has been guided by him, 
have not been without their reward. There are those 
who stni blame him for not doiag what the Legislature 
has ta,ken away his power to do ; and for what the Com- 
mon Council will not give hun its necessary help in ; but 
throughout the city and country we do not fear to be- 
lieve that there is nowhere a more completely popular 
man. It is a mistake to judge of a man's popularity by 
what the noisy classes say ; the deep heart of the people 
is stm, impressions remain on it, judgment is not guided 
by partisan feehng, observation is unprejudiced, and 
therefore quiet and close. And such men and women 
have given their admiration and respect to Mr. "Wood. 

All classes, political, social, religious, moral, con- 
tribute to swell this host of his admirers. Municipal 
and other officers have come or sent from every part of 
the Union to ask the secret of his government and to 
imitate it, and his immense executive abihty has been 
generally recognized. 

Nay, even in Europe he is spoken of. Various Con- 
tinental papers have contained eulogistic articles on the 
man who has done so much for New-York. A dis- 
tinguished American artist, just returned from Rome, 
says, that Fernando Wood is become a household word 
in the mouths of the citizens of this country now living 
in the Eternal City. Ex-President Yan Buren, in his late 



302 BIOGRAPHY OF FERNANDO WOOD. 

journey tkrougli tlie wild mountam region of Wales, was 
asked in a little wayside inn, by the landlord, particulars 
of the appearance and manner and peculiarities of the 
man whom they had learned to venerate. 

In the Mayor's late journey westward through a por- 
tion of the State, this quiet popular feeling had an 
opportunity to evince itself. Mr. Wood was thoroughly 
worn out with the multitudinous duties of his office, 
and determined to seek repose for a few days at Sarato- 
ga, Lake George, etc. At the Springs, where throngs 
of people from every part of the United States were 
found, he was received with the utmost enthusiasm; 
public dinners were tendered to him, congratulations 
offered, and public thanks given for his great services in 
the cause of municipal reform. 

On his road to Lake George, whither he went (by 
invitation from a committee of gentlemen from that 
region) partly in the cars and partly in a carriage, his 
progress was a sort of triumphal march. The people 
came out from their houses to cheer him, and at every 
little village he found a huzzaing crowd. At Fort Ed- 
ward, Sandy BQll, Glen's Falls, and other towns, refresh- 
ments had been prepared, and the citizens were gath- 
ered to pay him their respects. His arrival at Lake 
George was announced by the roar of artillery, the 
waving of flags, and the peal of military music. A 
splendid dinner was prepared, and in the speeches made 
thereat he was greeted as a model magistrate, as a public 
reforme]^ and benefactor. A ball and supper followed 
in the evening, when he spoke, in answer to a sentiment 
in his honor, of the "field of grounded arms," and of 



FERNANDO WOOD. 308 

the many points of historical interest peculiar to that 
section of country. 

These attentions continued during his stay, and fol- 
lowed him on his journey to Auburn and back to the 
city of ISTew-York. From these exhibitions of respect, 
from the murmured or outspoken praises of his fellow- 
citizens, from the compliments of municipal authorities 
throughout the Union, and the commendations of the 
press from Mame to California, Mr. Wood's popularity 
may be reckoned as not inferior to that of any man in 
the country. All the way from far Iowa came a pro- 
posal to nominate him for the Presidency. The letter 
and its answer we will give here, without remark upon 

either 

Davenport, March 10, 1855. 

Hon. Fernando Wood, JVdWJ-Yor^. • 

It is, I think, quite apparent that at the next presidential election, 
the people of the United States will demand, as a condition precedent 
to their vote, that the candidate shall be a positive and not a negative 
character. 

The old stock is gone. Especially in the Democratic party, is 
there no man of the ancient" regime" upon whom public attention 
is or can be fixed ; the next President will, it seems to me, be a young 

man. 

It is not at aU probable that I am the first man to propose, or 
rather to suggest to you that, as a matter of fact, the thing which 
will be demanded is found in you. 

The fact tliat a man is found capable of governing the city of 
New-York, is thought to be evidence that one can be found who will 
properly discharge the duties of President. 

It is my opinion that the people want such a man as you; as one 
of them, I inquire whether to that end any thmg has been done or 
can be, and whether it is best to take any steps, and when to place 
this matter before them, and to secure, if possible, a nomination (if 



304 BIOGRAPHY OF FER]SrAOT)0 WOOD. 

that is best) by the party. Allow me to say, that I should be glad 
to aid in whatever way possible to secure so desirable a result. 

You do not know me. "Warren G. Brown, Esq., Wall street, does, 
and L. A. Fuller, Esq., Broadway. 

If now, or at some future time, any steps shall be taken, I shall 
be glad to cooperate with your friends. 

Yours with much respect, 

Geo. S. C. Dow. 



Mayor's Office, New-York, March 17, 1855. 

Dear Sir : In reply to your kind letter of the 10th inst., I beg to 

assure you, that my aspirations have not been directed to any higher 

position than to discharge the duties of my present office in such a 

manner as to deserve and receive the applause of my fellow-citizens. 

If I can accomplish this, it will be all that is aimed at by me. Best 

assured that at no time has a higher official position passed my 

thoughts, nor have my exertions in this office been dictated by any 

such motive. It is true, that I am not insensible to the fact that 

many friends desire my promotion ; but if I entered into their views 

and feelings, it would detract materially from the independence of all 

personal considerations, which so far has'alone enabled me to succeed. 

Besides, my dear sir, what more exalted station can any man reach 

than the almost universal approbation of the people of a city like 

New- York? Fully appreciating your kind partiality, and assuring 

you in all sincerity that I know of no organized intent among my 

friends with reference to the use of my name for the station to which 

you allude, I am very truly yours, 

Fernando Wood. 
Geo. S. C. Dow, Davenport, Iowa. 

And now our task is done. During tlie course of tlie 
printing and publication of this volume, many new 
illustrations of tlie Mayor's character will of necessity 



FERNANDO WOOD. 305 

be made public. Tliis work is thougbt to be up to this 
date as nearly perfect as possible. For the present 
writer, lie has no further observation to make. Let the 
reader judge of the subject of this biography, of his 
merits, his aspirations, and his future career. 



APPENDIX. 

LETTERS AND MESSAGES. 

Very mucli of the peculiar character of Mr. Wood 
may be learned from the veto messages. There is a 
singular distinctness of vision about the man; and a 
great directness in going to his point. What he has to 
say is clearly settled in his own mind, and then out- 
spoken with such simple precision that he who runs 
may read. 

Another lesson is to be learned here ; to wit, that a 
veto power in this good city of New -York, can in no 
wise safely be dispensed with. 

Mayor's Office, New- York, March 23, 1855. 

To the Honorable the Board of Councilmen : 

Gentlemen : The Board of Councilmen passed, April 3, 1853, a 
resolution, memorializing the Legislature to curtail the dimensions of 
the proposed Central Park. This resolution waa introduced by a 
lengthy report, from the then Committee on Lands and Places, the 
statements and arguments of which, no doubt, influenced its passage. 
The subject remained without further action during the whole of the 
term of the late Common Council, and until the 15th March, instant, 
when the Board of Aldermen, without awaiting your decision on the 
same subject, now under deliberation, passed the proposition of the 
Councilmen of last year. 



808 APPENDIX. 

This resolution has been laid before me for my approval, which, 
after deliberation, and a careful examination of the facts and argu- 
ments set forth in the report, I find it impossible to give, consistent 
with my own convictions of duty. 

Though it proposes only to take from the Central Park a portion 
of the area agreed upon, still it will be, in effect, a blow at the whole. 

Any proposition having for its aim an interference with the work 
as originally devised, and which will encourage delay, and retard the 
proceedings of the commission, already too long protracted, will, in 
my opinion, jeopard the success of the most intelligent, philanthropic, 
and patriotic public enterprise, which has been undertaken by the 
people of this city since the introduction of the waters of the Croton 
river. 

1 had supposed that the necessity for defending the Central Park 
had ceased ; that the opposition before raised had subsided, and that 
time and reflection had enabled all to appreciate its advantages, 
not only to the present, but to all succeeding generations. In my 
second message to the Common Council, of January 11th last, in 
alluding to the subject, I say : ** There can be no doubt as to the 
necessity of some such park, conveniently located on this island. 

In my opinion, future generations who are to pay the expense, 
will have good reasons for reflecting upon us, if we permitted the 
entire island to be taken possession of by population, without some 
spot like this, devoted to rural beauty, healthful recreation, and pure 
atmosphere." 

These views have been confirmed by subsequent observation. The 
opportunities which the duties of my ofiBce give for a survey of this 
great city, its vast financial, commercial, and manufacturing advan- 
tages, the inherent seeds it contains of a growth far beyond the com- 
prehension of the most visionary enthusiast, all force upon me the 
necessity of some such reservation. 

"We will be derelict, if by any narrow or selfish feeling of present 
saving, we deprive the teeming millions yet to inhabit and toil upon 
this island, of one place not given up to mammon, where they can, 
even if but one day in the year, observe and worship nature, untar- 
nished by conflict with art. To admit the necessity of a great park, 



APPENDIX. • 309 

and to assert that this will be too large, is, in my opinion, an exceed- 
ingly li&iited view of the question, and entirely unworthy of even the 
present position of this metropolis, to say nothing of a destiny now 
opening so brilliantly before us. 

Let us not follow our Dutch ancestors in their views of municipal 
prudence, who considered cow-paths as proper sites for streets and 
avenues, inasmuch as they saved the necessary expenses of surveys, 
etc. To have suggested to the original Knickerbockers the propri- 
ety of laying out and regulating wide and evenly-graded streets, 
commensurate to the wants of the city as it now is, would have been 
met by the wise fathers of that day, with arguments derived from the 
same principles and views as are now used with reference to this 
subject, by its opponents. 

Let New- York follow up the noble spirit asserted so boldly ii? the 
introduction of the Croton water. The aforethought and compre- 
hensive policy embodied in that masterly proposition, is now uni- 
versally respected and admired, as will be, at no distant day, that to 
open Central Park. Being imbued with these sentiments, I can never 
give my consent to any measure which will throw an obstacle in its 
"way, much less to abolish or curtail it. 

But admitting the park too large, and that it should be diminished, 
this resolution proposes to do it in an improper manner, inasmuch as 
it asks that the only portion of it that can be accessible to the foot- 
passenger now shall be lopped off, and, in fact, remove it nearly a 
mile further off from the present densely-populated part of the city. 
This resolution asks, that instead of Fifty-ninth street, Seventy-second 
street shall be the lower boundary, or, in other words, that the park 
shall be removed thirteen blocks further into the interior, and, at 
present, almost uninhabited part of the island. If there is to be a 
curtailment, let it be rather from the other end. Instead of lopping 
off the lower and most accessible part, take it from the upper 
portion. 

Besides these objections, there are others entitled to weight. Many 
lots, comprehended within the part to be cut off, were purchased of 
the Corporation, under its sales, at auction, anterior to the passage 
of the act for this park. These have been relinquished to the city^ 



810 APPENDIX. 

the purchase-money repaid to the buyers, by order of the Common 
Council. And again, owners of lots within the area proposed to be 
taken, would, in my opinion, have just claim against the city, for any 
damages that they may have suffered, in consequence of closing to 
them all opportunities for improvements, enjoyment, or favorable sales, 
by the existing act, to take possession of their lots for public pur- 
poses. The damages arising from the passage of this resolution, may 
amount to nearly as much as the expense to the city of the land to 
be taken by it. 

Inasmuch as the action of the Board of Aldermen was based upon 
the report referred to, without any report of their own Committee, 
it may not be improper for me to correct some of its errors of facts ; 
I am the more induced to this, as it is evident that the public have 
been misled by this report. It states that the area of the park, ex- 
cluding the State Arsenal and the Reservoir, will be 750 acres, that 
the number of building-lots comprehended will be 13,521, and that 
the total cost can not be less than fifteen millions of dollars. These 
statements are erroneous, as will be shown by the following extracts 
from my message, before referred to, which contains reliable and au- 
thentic data and information upon these points. 

" It will be remembered that this park is to be bounded south by 
Fifty-ninth street ; north, by One Hundred and Sixth street ; east, by 
the Fifth avenue ; and west, by the Eighth avenue, and will compre- 
hend an area of seven hundred and seventy-six acres, say, 77G 

From which deduct State Arsenal, say, 14 

" ** Croton Reservoir, 38 

« " Proposed " 112 

" " Streets and avenues, 190 

" « belonging to the city, 34 — 388 

Leaving to be paid for, acres, 388 

Which, by estimating at sixteen lots per acre, makes six thousand 
two hundred and eight lots to be paid for by the city, and by assess- 
ments upon contiguous property. The important question of the 
valuation of these lots has not as yet been positively fixed by the 
Commissioners. The subject is now before them, and I advise all 



APPENDIX. Sll 

who are interested to appear at their ofiSce. Another question of 
much public interest, in connection with this matter, is the territorial 
limit to which the Commissioners shall extend their assessments upon 
property of individuals, and what proportion of the whole cost shall 
be made a tax upon the city." 

" These questions are entirely under the control of the Commis- 
sioners. I am informed, unofficially, that the disposition of the Board 
is to extend the area of assessment three blocks east and west, and a 
greater distance north and south, and to make two thirds of the 
whole cost payable by the city. If this be the determination, it can 
be easily ascertained about what sum the park will cost. Estimating 
the. average value of the land at five hundred dollars per lot, a liberal 
estimate, the whole cost would be three millions one hundred and 
four thousand dollars ; deduct one third to be paid by individuals 
whose property is supposed to be benefited, it will leave two millions 
sixty-nine thousand dollars to be paid for by the city." 

Much surprise is manifested at the apparent delay of the Commis- 
sioners. I am without any official information as to their proceed- 
ings. The whole scope of their duties appears to me to be very 
simple, and easily accomplished. I do not see any reason why they 
should consume so long a time, As far as my inquiry has extended, 
I have been unable to discover, in any quarter, information of what 
has been done, or is being done by them, beyond what is contained in 
this extract from my message of January 11. 

The Council to the Corporation has volunteered his services to 
the Board without compensation, and has, with commendable liber- 
ality, furnished gratuitously much valuable information, tending to 
facilitate the work and give the people speedy possession of its prom- 
ised advantages. Had all interested evinced as much enthusiasm in 
its favor, I am quite certain many hundred workmen and laborers 
would now be employed towards its completion. 

For these reasons, herein briefly and imperfectly set forth, I can not 
bign this resolution ; it appears to me to have been passed under a 
misapprehension of the facts. 

AVith respect for the opinion of others who differ from me, and 
with a repugnance to the position of apparent hostility to the action 



312 APPENDIX. 

of the Coirimon Council, -which my duty forces upon me, I beg leave 
to return the resolution to decrease the size of Central Park, without 
my approval. Very respectfully, 

Fernando Wood, Mayor. 



STATEN ISLAND FERRY LEASE. 

Mayor's Office, New- York, May 18, 1855. 

To the Honorable the Board of Councilmen: 

Gentlemen : A resolution defining the conditions upon which the 
Staten-Island Ferry should be leased, passed the Board of Aldermen 
on the evening of the 11th inst. It came to me on the afternoon of 
Saturday, 12th inst., and was taken up for examination on the 14th 
inst. The sale of the ferries, including the Staten-Island Ferry, had 
been fixed, by a previous resolution of the Common Council, for the 
15th inst., thus leaving me too short a time to examine a subject of 
so much importance. I found it impossible to approve it in time for 
the sale of that date, consistent with several objections, which pre- 
sented themselves on the first reading of the document. Subsequent 
examination of it has fully satisfied me that this resolution, if adopt- 
ed, would have resulted in loss to the city, in consequence of its efiect 
in excluding bidders at the sale. 

By its terras the lessees were compelled to run boats to the Quar- 
antine Dock and to Stapleton, though these points are exclusively 
the property of individuals, who could or could not, at their own 
option, permit the privilege, there being no power in the Common 
Council, or the lessees, to prevent. 

Another and a more serious objection, was the privilege proposed 
to be given of using and occupying the water on the westerly side of 
the pier lying west of pier No. 1, East River, and running ferry- 
boats to and from the same, as aforesaid, -wn^?'^ such use or occupation 
shall be interfered with by tlie operations of the contractor for tlie Bat- 
tery enlargement. It requires little sagacity to see that this privilege 



APPENDIX. 81o 

could be made of more detriment to the public interest, and of far 
greater advanta^ to the lessees, than could be accomplished in al- 
most any other way. Its value would be almost incalculable. The 
waters of this privileged space could be extended for five hundred 
feet along and around the Battery front, and provide room for a dozen 
ferries, which, under these conditions, could be run to as many con- 
tiguous points as it is desirable to have ferry communication- If this 
privilege should have been given, and the lessees have acted in collu- 
eion with the contractor of the Battery enlargement, the city would 
find, when too late, that it had parted with privileges without any 
equivalent, of exceeding value to the parties interested, and serious 
injury to the public interest. 

There were other objections which, though of less importance, 
yet of themselves would have been sufficient to induce me to 
withhold my assent to this proposition. Permit me respectfully to 
deprecate the haste with which important measures are sometimes 
passed by the Common Council. These conditions, involving conse- 
quence|j^such magnitude to the city, proposing to part with val- 
uable p™feges, and which really should have received great consid- 
eration, and have been adopted only upon the official opinion of the 
Counsel to the Corporation as to the legal rights of all parties, 
passed the Board of Councilmen on the 9 th inst., and the Board of 
Aldermen on the llth inst., apparently wFthout any deliberation or 
examination whatever. I herewith return the resolution without my 
approval Very respectfully, 

Fernando Wood, Mayor. 



GRADING OF FIFTY-SECOND STREET. 

Mayor's Office, New- York, May 17, 1855. 
To th^ Honorable the Board of Councilmen : 

Gentlemen : I return herewith a resolution to grade Fifty-second 
street from Tenth to Eleventh avenues, which originated in your 
14 



314 APPENDIX. 

Board, without my signature. It appears that this proposition ema- 
nated from a member of the Board of CouucihueD, without the 
request or knowledge of any of the parties in interest, who are to be 
affected by the proposed improvement, and that nearly all of said 
\Qby: ^^ remonstrated against it. Now, as it is all settled that the 
,; ■ noy of owners in all such matters have an undoubted right to 
ivl ., and as in this particular case the improvement was not asked 
any person really interested, I must withhold my assent. I 
•■ th return the resolution without my signature. All of which 

. ij.ectfuUy submitted. 

Fernando Wood, Mayor. 



THE REYNOLDS' JOB. 

Mayor's Office, New- York, June lja|^55. 

To ? Honorable the Board of Councilmen : 

Gentlemen : I return without my approval the resolution direct- 
ing the Comptroller to pay T^m. B. Eeynolds forty-six thousand 
seven hundred and forty-five dollars and fifty-one cents, for. the pur- 
chase of certain property enumerated therein, and appropriating that 
sum for that purpose. 

I am compelled to this course for the following among other 
reasons : 

The resolution in question, among other property, specifies the fol- 
lowing : '-The right and title to Barren Island, including all the 
leases, contracts, and conveyances held by AVm. B. Reynolds for any 
part or portion of the Island and its appurtenances, the sum of 
SI 0,000, copy of the leases and deeds which are hereunto annexed, 
and the originals of which are to be transferred to the city on the 
payment of the aforesaid sum." 

Among the papers is a deed from Wm. B. Reynolds to the Cor- 
poration, conveying two acres of land on Barren Island for the nom- 
inal sum of oue dollar, and an assignment of a lease of other property 



APPENDIX. 315 

in which the consideration is fixed at $10,000. The resolution above 
referred to includes the leasehold and the fee in one mas^ as the pro- 
perty to be purchased for ^10,000, and I am therefore to disregard 
the supplication made of this sum by the seller, by which only a nom- 
inal portion of the $10,000 is applied to the fee propert7. But even 
assuming that it is a purchase made for the consideraticn of only one 
dollar, it is yet a purchase of land ; and, as Barren Islad is in Kings 
county, a purchase of land outside of the jurisdictioi of the city. 
This presents to me the first objection, whether any su:h power has 
been devolved upon the authorities of the city. I confes this ques- 
tion has caused me much concern, and no little investigition. 

The Montgomery Charter authorizes the city to take and hold 
land, but it expressly limits the amount which may be thus held to 
property of the yearly rent or value of three thousand pounds. lu 
the edition just published of the laws of the State, applcable to the 
city, there is a note to this clause of the charter, statiig that this 
limitation does not prevent the holding of land, whicli, when pur- 
chased, was not of greater annual value, but which afterwards rose 
beyond it, showing that this limitation was considered still in force. 

I have not been able to find any general act which has extended 
this power of purchase, although the statute-book is dotied with laws 
authorizing particular purchases by the city from tiu(e to time, for 
various public objects. I infer that this limitation stiL' stands, except 
as it has been enlarged by the special acts, authorizing particular 
purchases. 

There is no question but that the city now holds property of a 
nmch greater annual value than the charter authorizes, and this be- 
ing the case, I am brought to the conclusion that there is an entire 
absence of power to make the purchase in question. The rule of law 
applicable to municipal corporations, as laid down by the highest 
judicial authorities in this State, is this : " That they take only the 
special powers granted to them by their charter or by subsequent 
laws." Authority must be shown for this purchase before it becomes 
lawful. The only power known to me is the one which is fettered 
with the limitation expressed. If the power to purchase land were 
unlimited, whether in or out of our local jurisdiction, the discretion 



316 APPENDIX. 

of tlie two Boards and of the Mayor would be the only safeguard of 
tax-payers a,'ainst the most extensive purchases at extravagant prices, 
a safeguard :hat might not at all times be sufficient. The community 
do not rely entirely on protection of this character, and hence in 
charters and constitutions it is common to interpose checks over the 
exercise of daogerous powers. For the first time since my accession 
to oISbc has this important question been presented to me, whether 
the city can pirchase land outside of our jurisdiction, and I have ex- 
amined it with the care which such a question demands, in view of 
its becoming e precedent and an example for other and more import- 
ant cases. It is a power likely to lead to great abuse, and I with- 
hold my assent to the resolution, not only because the charter requires 
it, but also b3cause I am satisfied that unlimited power of that cha- 
racter would b3 highly dangerous. The amendments to the charter, 
adopted in 1^30, 1849, and 1853, clearly show that no such unlimited 
authority was left in our local legislation. The amendments of 1853 
provide that all supplies to be furnished, embracing an expenditure 
of over 8250,shall be by cotitract, for which estimates and bids shall 
be furnished sfter due publication. All that is not real estate or 
leasehold projerty, comprehended in this proposed purchase from Mr. 
Reynolds, is personal property — the tools and implements of conduct- 
ing his business as a contractor for removal of offal, etc., and for its 
manufacture into articles of use — boats, shovels, carts, etc. These 
are supplies furnished to the city without the formalities required by 
the charter. I can not suppose that it was intended to fetter the 
public authorities in this respect so completely, and yet leave a power 
to purchase any amount of land anywhere at any price in the discre- 
tion of those whose action heretofore had made checks and guards 
highly necessary. An amendment to the charter adopted in 1849 
provides, that neither the Common Council nor any member thereof 
shall perform any executive business whatever. This restriction, I 
understand, was intended among other things to prevent the purchase 
of articles or the making of contracts by this branch of the city gov- 
ernment, leaving such duties to be performed by the heads of depart- 
ments. This resolution, in effect, dispenses with all the executive 
ofiicers, and specifies the things to be purchased, the prices to be 



APPENDIX. 



Oi < 



paid, and the person from whom purchased ; and this i not compati- 
ble with the theory upon which the local government wis then formed 
in dividing the executive and legislative departments. The resolution 
in this case appears to me to be an infraction of the ^endment cal- 
culated to defeat the object whifti governed the LegisUure in estab- 
lishing it. I have other grounds of objection, to whicl it is unneces- 
sary to allude. They refer more particularly to maimers of detail. 
The principles involved I have deemed of great importnce, and upon 
them alone I have considered it sufficient to stand inthe discussion 
of this subject. Had the Common Council followed thepractice with 
reference to ferry leases, etc., of making it incumbentiipon the suc- 
cessor of Mr. Reynolds in the offal contract to take thcDroperty here 
alluded to instead of the city, many of the objections 'hich I see to 
this proposition would have been avoided. 

With distrust in my own knowledge of law generdy, but confi- 
dent in the soundness of the position herein assumed, I >eg to return 
the resolution without my approval. 

Very respectfully, Fernando Wo^, Mayor. 



THE BULKHEAD CONTEACT. 



Mayor's Office, New- Yore:, Jun 30, 1855. 
To the Honorable the Board of Coumilmcn : 

Gentlemen : I return herewith the preamble and resmtion direct- 
ing the discontinuance of the contract to build a bulkfead at Man- 
hattanville, by the present contractor, and to direct th< Street Com- 
missioner to receive proposals for a contract for bdding a new 
bulkhead, to rest upon the work already made, and thalthe contract- 
or for the new work shall take the old work at an apprssement to be 
made by two persons, to be selected by the old contrctor and the 
Street Commissioner. 

My objections to this proposition are many. It 5 sufficient to 
state only the most prominent. 



818 APPENDIX. 

Without cferring to the many attempts made to comply with the 
reasonable wshcs of the people of Manhattanville for suitable dock 
accommodatons at that point, and the several contracts which have 
been made, aid large sums of money already fruitlessly expended for 
that purpose and which by a straffge fatality have not as yet suc- 
ceeded in yjlding any thing but disappointments, I shall only deal 
with the prsent proposition now before me. It appears that pre- 
vious to th? resolution by the Common Council, a contract was 
entered into 14th September, 1854, with David Hunt, to build a 
rip-rap wall nd bulkhead extending from 130th to 131st street, Man- 
hattanville, he conditions of which were that the work should be of 
the most sustantial and durable character, and to be of certain orna- 
mental matrial and style of construction, for the sum of forty-six 
thousand far hundred and fifty dollars, to be completed in five 
months froi date of contract, under a penalty of 320 for each day 
that it shoid remain uncompleted after the time had expired. 

Fifteen tousand dollars of this sum have been paid. That Mr. 
Hunt or asigns have failed to perform this contract is evident, 
otherwise vi would not have the proposition to release him, and to 
construct cother and far more expensive work. The report and 
resolutions ow before me for approval admit in effect that Mr. Hunt 
has forfeite his contract, but give as a reason that " since the com- 
mencementif the work it has been discovered that the bottom under 
the rip-rapvall is so steep and rocky, as to render the foundation 
insecure, arl to expose the whole work to slide off, and that a por- 
tion of it a-eady built had slid about 90 feet into the rear, and there 
rests upon . solid bottom well fitted for the foundation of a perma- 
nent work, Therefore," continues the preamble, " it has become 
inexpedientto go on with the building of the bulkhead as heretofore 
ordered, an« it is necessary to build a bulkhead at a further distance 
from the sbre f and these are all the reasons for releasing Mr. 
Hunt or hiiassiirns, and ordering the construction of another work, 
far more exmsive, and it is to be presumed far more expensive. By 
what mean the committee arrived at their conclusions does not 
appear. N evidence is furnished me that scientific or practical 
men were erployed to make soundings and examine the bottom with 



APPENDIX. 319 

tlie necessary cautiou for the erection of this new wonc, and 1 am 
Forced to the conclusion that none were employed. Certainly, if the 
many attempts made to build bulkheads, rip-rap walls, and piers at tliat 
point have all failed in consequence of some unusual impediment of 
the bottom or other physical defects, it behoves us to examine the 
whole matter with care before venturing another contract ; and ex- 
pressly is this necessary before building upon that part of Mr. Hunt's 
work that has slid out into the river, as this resolution proposes, without 
knowing whether it lies, as represented, on a solid bottom, and is well 
secured and safe from further slidings. It would be an inexcusable 
waste of the people's money to go on with further experiments in 
such a blind manner, with every probability of another failure, and 
another similar proposition as the present. But, admitting that these 
examinations have been made, and that the proposed work will be 
substantial, and in all respects answer the purpose, still it furnishes 
no grounds for releasing Mr. Hunt from his contract, which the Cor- 
poration made with him in good faith, and to which it would have 
been held with great tenacity, if it had failed in any particular. He 
contracted to build this work, gave sufficient security to perform the 
agreement, has received a large sum of money on account, and should 
be compelled to finish it. It is no answer to say the work slid out 
into the river and he could not. When he agreed to receive from 
the Corporation 346,450 for its construction, he took the hazard of 
all accidents and all contingencies. It was, in short, a contract by 
which he assumed, not only the expense, but the risk of every other 
kind from the elements, fi'om physical obstructions at the bottom of 
the river, and of every other nature. And he should be made to 
perform his agreement, or respond to the city in any damage that 
it suffers in consequence of failure. If this position be thought too 
severe and exacting as between the city and an individual, a com- 
promise might be effected, in which it should be stipulated that the 
Corporation should be allowed to retain the work which has slid out 
(and which by the way may be worthless for the purposes of a new 
contract such as may be required) and Mr. Hunt retain the $15,000 
already paid. This would be a fair and liberal arrangement to 
which among individuals not the slightest objection would be made. 



320 APPENDIX. 

I am aware that the idea of compromising matters of this kind ia 
which the city is a party, upon principles of exact equity, is en- 
tirely novel, and that the practice has been to hold the Corporation 
to a ri^^id fulfillment when the bargain has been against its interest, 
(as is the case ninety-nine times out of a hundred,) and to release the 
individual from loss or responsibility when the bargain has been 
against him ; but we now hope for fairer dealings, and a little pro- 
tection for the rights and interests of the people. But admitting 
that it be right to contract this new work as proposed, and that 
it be right to build on the work that has slid out, without examin- 
ation as to its jfitness for that purpose, and that it be right to release 
Mr. Hunt from his contract, can it be right not only to release, but 
also to pay him for the work done, which is of no value to the city 
as it now remains ? In my opinion, such a course can not be justi- 
fied. It looks to me like giving a premium for forfeiting contracts ; 
like the game of " Heads I win, tails you lose." The city is to lose 
in any event ; for it requires no sagacity to see that the sum paid for 
this old work to Mr. Hunt or assigns will be put upon the cost of 
the new work, and of course merged in the price charged to the city. 
It will then have lost the §515,000 paid Mr. Hunt or assigns beside 
the hazard of having the same game played over again under another 
name, and perhaps involving a much greater loss. Admitting that 
it be right to pay Mr. Hunt for this work, (supposing the city has 
not yet paid its value,) I object to the mode of appraisement. It 
should be appraised in some other way in which the interests of the 
city should be represented upon one side, the interests of the new con- 
ti-actor (after he had made the new contract) upon the other. This 
will be equitable, admitting the objections urged by me to such a 
proceeding are without force. 

With these views, thus hurriedly expressed, it will be impossible 
for me to concur with the Common Council in this resolution. I am 
forced to this conclusion much against my predisposition in the 
premises, because I am sincerely desirous of offering no obstacle to 
the speedy construction of sufficient dockage at Mauhattanville. The 
people of that ancient locality are distinguished for industry and pro- 
bity, and it is incumbent upon the Corporation to afford every fiicil- 



APPENDIX. 



821 



ity for the better protection of their interests, and fi- the develop- 
ment of their industrial capacities. I think the immdiate expendi- 
ture of an existing appropriation made to improve t^e present pier 
and the northerly portion of the bulkhead north of itjcould be made 
to answer all the present business wants. These impiivements could 
be made without delay, and in the mean time thoroug^i examination 
by competent engineers can be obtained so as to procel in the erec- 
tion of suitable works, with a sure knowledge and rclhale data upon 
which to make new contracts. 

This course would secure us against further failures, and be more 
compatible with the true interests of the city and of :he people of 
Manhattanville. Very respectfully, 

Fernando W)od, Mayor. 



PIER AT FOOT OF THIRTY-FOURTH STREET. 

Mayor's Office, New- York, Jdij 11, 1855. 

To the Honorable the Board of Coancilmen : , 

• Gentlemen : I return the resolution to build a pi(^ 350 feet long 
and 40 feet wide at the foot of Thirty-fourth strei, North River, 
without my approval. 

At the last session of the Legislature an Act was passed for the 
appointment of a Commission to ascertain and qearly define tlio 
water-line of the Corporation limits of this city, ind other duties 
appertaining to this harbor. This CommL=sion was duly appointed, 
and is now in session. It has made some progress, and will soon 
complete its work. 

Section 2 of the Act referred to provides that " >'o grants of land 
under the waters, in respect to which the said Commissioners are 
herein required to report, shall be made by the Commissioners of the 
Land Office, or by the Common Council of the City of New-York, 
or by any board, officer, or corporation, until the further direction of 
14- 



322 APPENDIX. 

the Legislature in the premises. And the said Commissioners may, 
by their orde in writing, restrain and stay all proceedings until the 
further directDn of the Legislature, by virtue of any grant of land 
under the sai( waters heretofore made, and all permanent erections in 
or obstructias of the said waters, which, in their judgment, may 
interfere witl or embarrass the establishment of such exterior lines as 
they shall deeu proper to recommend to the Legislature, which order 
shall be enforced, and disobedience thereof shall be punished by the 
Supreme CoiCrt in the Second Judicial District, at any special or 
general term -hereof, in the same manner and to the same extent as 
in cases of irjinction issued out of said Court. And any -permanent 
erection or oUructions made contrary to any such order, may be re- 
moved and abited ly the said Commissioners.'' 

Until the larbor Commission have completed their labors and the 
Legislature hive acted thereon, it will, in my opinion, be impolitic to 
undertake th€ construction of a pier of this extent, or indeed to at- 
tempt any pemanent erection in our harbor. 

At present he water-line is undefined on the west side of the city. 
"We do not kn)w the extent of our boundaries there, and inasmuch as 
this law gives ,o these Commissioners power to restrain our action in 
the erection of such works, I submit whether it is prudent to under- 
take them. ^ 

If this resoution passes, and the Street Commissioner makes a 
contract in puBuauce of it, the city will become liable in damages to 
the contractor, f he is prevented from building the pier by the inter- 
fL^rence of the Earbor Commission. 

We have alrady suffered largely from similar causes, and it is best 
to guard the futire as far as possible. 

As soon as the water-line is established, and the grounds of objec- 
tion referred to ly me are removed, I shall make no opposition to the 
construction of a pier at foot of Thirty-fourth street, if legally and 
properly undertaken. Very respectfully, 

Fernando "Wood, Mayor. 



APPENDIX. 823 



CITY CO'N TRACTS. 

Mayor's Office, Xew-Yobk, July 14, 1855. 

To the Honorable the Board of Councilmen . 

Gentlemen : The resolution eraauating iu your Board, directing 
the Commissioner of Streets and Lamps to withdraw the advertise- 
ment, inviting proposals for cleaning the streets of the city, until the 
further action of the Common Council, is returned herewith without 
approval. 

As the charter and ordinances compel that officer to clean the 
streets by contract, I do not see how this proposition to dispense with 
contracts can be adopted. Besides, it is now too late for this resolu- 
tion to have any effect upon the action of the Commissioner, as he 
has already advertised the required ten days, received and opened the 
bids, and, as I am advised, awarded the contracts, under the advice 
of the Counsel to the Corporation. 

Very respectfully, 

Fernando Wood, Mayor. 

Mayor's Office, ISTew-York, Juhj 14, 1855. 

To the Honorable Board of Councilmen: 

Gentlemen : I return, without approval, the ordinance proposing 
to further amend the ordinance regulating the making of contracts, 
passed May 30,1849. 

In my opinion, if adopted, this amendment may in effect mate- 
rially conflict with that section of the charter which provides that all 
contracts " shall be given to the lowest bidder." As the ordinance 
now stands, the lowest bidder is entitled to the contract, and the 
Head of the Department is authorized to award it to him, if the bid 
be regular in form, adequate security be given ; all bids are opened in 
the presence of the Comptroller, and an appropriation has been made 
for the purpose. It appears to me that these conditions are about 
all that the charter seems to require ; indeed, to go farther may de- 
feat the object of the charter altogether. 

Thi? subject of making contracts, and the many difficulties sur- 



824 APPENDIX. 

rounding it, has not escaped my attention. It is full of difficulties, 
under the very best regulations which human wisdom can devise. In 
the message submitted by me, January 11th last, I alluded to it in 
this language : " The present mode of making contracts is defective. 
Notwithstanding the improvement of late years, in exacting more 
publicity, in opening bids, and in guarding against favoritism in 
granting contracts, yet it is supposed much wrong still exists. There 
is no doubt that frauds are still perpetrated in this branch of the 
public service. Bids are frequently put in in the name of fictitious 
persons, ranging from a high to a low estimate — speculators standing 
ready to take advantage of any embarrassment to the Department 
owing to the non-appearance of the false bidder, and to get the con- 
tract at the highest possible limits. Again, it is the practice to put 
in estimates, not with the expectation of making and performing a 
contract, but to be bought off by some more responsible party, who 
has been underbid. Yarious other ways, the details of which are 
known only to the initiated, are in vogue, by which to defraud the 
treasury. If the head of a department acts in collusion with these 
outsiders, it is next to impossible to prevent frauds under the present 
system." 

vSubsequent experience in the office of Mayor has confirmed these 
views ; but I am satisfied, that great caution is required in the adop- 
tion of any plan for the better protection of the public interests in 
this matter, lest we open the door still wider for wrong-doing. 

One of the features of the proposition now presented is, that no 
contract shall be made, although all the requirements of the charters 
be complied with, until the Common Council confirm it. 

With respect, permit me to say, that in my judgment this altera- 
tion will be unwise, inasmuch as it may practically defeat the charter 
itself Its operation will be, that " the lowest bidder," after undergo- 
ing a competition with other bidders, as to price, and the scrutiny of 
his bid, by the head of the Department and the Comptroller, and in 
case of doubt, also by the Counsel to the Corporation, he must, in 
addition, " run the gauntlet " of the Common Council, where the 
result may depend upon other considerations than those appertaining 
to the bid itp^lf. 



APPENDIX. 825 

I submit whether such additional requirements are demanded by 
the public interests, and whether they may not be productive of 
great injury, not only to the individual bidder, but to the public trea- 
sury. Besides, it requires no stretch of imagination to see, that the 
wise safeguards of the charter could thus be entirely disregarded. 
An unsuccessful bidder, of wealth and influence, could have little diffi- 
culty in defeating the confirmation of a contract in the Common 
Council, which, in cases of urgent necessity, would give the Head of 
the Department an excuse for going into the open market, without 
any contract whatever, or the Head of the Department himself could, 
in the exercise of the influence which- the patronage of his position 
necessarily gives, accomplish that purpose, and thus make all the 
agreements himself, without contracts. It would be creating a 
Board of Appeals to which unsuccessful bidders would have recourse, 
when disappointed. Instead of resorting to the courts, the proper 
recourse of those who are dissatisfied with the action of the officers 
who have charge of deciding upon the bids, it will send them to your 
lobbies, and no inconsiderable portion of your time will be taken up 
in listening to these complaints. 

The charter places these matters in the departments, where they 
should be permitted to remain, subject of course to such regulations 
as the Common Council may direct, having for their object the 
maintenance of the principles of the charter, which must govern us 
at all times. 

We should not forget that contractors and bidders have rights, as 
well as the Corporation, which are equally entitled to protection 
from the frauds which too often govern the making of contracts. I 
can see no equity in forcing a man into the Common Council, for the 
award of a contract, after he has honorably complied with the charter 
and the ordinance ; has shown himself fairly and honestly the lowest 
bidder, and been awarded the contract by the Comptroller, and the 
Head of the Department. Whilst such a regulation will be oppressive 
to the individual, it will inure to the disadvantage of the Corporation, 
by compelling bidders to make provision in their estimates, for the 
cost and trouble attending such a proceeding, and the expense to the 
bidder can be no inconsiderable sura, inasmuch as it frequently occurs. 



326 APPENDIX. 

that obscure men with limited influence, are obliged to procure tbe 
aid of counsel to get measures through, even where the merits of the 
measures themselves are entirely sufficient, and beyond any doubt. 
These expenses will, of course, be added to the cost of the work to 
the Corporation, and thus materially increase the expenses of thu 
City Government, already too onerous. 

For this reason it is impossible for me to approve of the amend- 
ment proposed. 

I am aware that an improvement can be made upon the present 
mode of giving out contracts, but do not think that this will be an 
improvement. I fear that it will subject us to still further evils, and 
add to the already existing difficulties surrounding the whole matter 
of giving contracts to the lowest hond-fide bidder. 

Very respectfully, Fernando Wood, Mayor. 



DIAMOND REEF. 

Mayor's Offtck, New-York, August 7, 1855. 
To the Honorable the Board of Councilmen : 

Gentlemen : I return, without approval, the resolution directing 
the Street Commissioner to award to Husted & Kroehl the contract 
for removing Diamond Eeef. 

In January last, the Common Council passed a resolution with my 
concurrence, directing the Street Commissioner to advertise for esti- 
mates to blast Diamond Reef, and to report to them the bids ; the 
object being, as I supposed, to ascertain about what the work would 
cost before deciding upon its execution. 

The Street Commissioner proceeded accordingly to advertise ; but, 
by a strange mistake, worded his specifications in such a manner as 
to leave it doubtful whether estimates were to be put in to blast the 
rock by the cubic yard, or in the gross for the whole quantity to be 
removed. 

This error occurred by requiring 1/idders to state their " lowest 



APPENDIX. 



827 



terms," without declaring? whether it was meant the lowest terras for 
the entire rock, or the lowest terms per cubic yard. As could be 
foretold, estimators construed this advertisement ditferently ; some 
bidding by the yard, and others by the gross. Thirteen bids were 
received ; ten offering by the cubic yard, and three for the whole ; 
Husted & Ivroehl being for the former. The Street Commissioner 
marked all the yard bidders as informal and irregular, declaring the 
lowest sum in gross as the lowest bidder, and consequently as entitled 
to the contract. This, if confirmed by the Common Council, would 
have given the contract to Cornelius Smith, whose bid was forty 
thousand dollars, as the sum for which he would remove the rock. 

It is unnecessary to inquire whether the Street Commissioner was 
right in rejecting any bids as informal, upon the ground of irregular- 
ity, for the Common Council appear to have taken from him all such 
discretion. He was directed to report the bids, and under that direc- 
tion he was deprived of all control or supervision over them. He, 
therefore, duly reported every bid to the Common Council, who took 
them into consideration, called the bidders before its Committee, went 
into an examination of the whole matter, and adopted the resolution 
now before me for approval, directing the Street Commissioner to 
make a contract with Husted & Kroehl, who had bid by the yard, 
but who subsequently altered their bid to make it in gross sum. 

I do not think it necessary to go into any investigation as to who 
are the lowest bidders. The error in the form of the advertisement, 
and the consequent ignorance of the bidders, as to what was meant 
bv the lowest terms by the Department, are sufficient grounds upon 
which to set aside any award made either by the Street Commissioner 
or the Common Council. There should be no ambiguity in the ad- 
vertisements to receive proposals for doing Corporation work. If 
there were, the charter, which requires all work to be done by con- 
tract to be given to the lowest bidder, with adequate security, could 
be easily disregarded and rendered inoperative. An ingeniously- 
worded advertisement would exclude any bid. The object of public 
advertisements is to invite competition, but there can be no compe- 
tition if impedimenta are thrown in the way of the uninitiated and 
honest bidders. 



328 APPENDIX. 

Any friend of a head of a department, who is acquainted witk the 
intention of those who are to decide upon the regularity or irregular- 
ity of the estimates, would have great advantage, and could in all 
cases obtain the contract at his own price. Therefore, it is obvious 
that ambiguity or uncertainty, in so important a matter as this, is of 
itself sufficient to warrant a readvertisement, and should prevent my 
approval of any award to any party bidding under it. 

In the present instance, the greatest uncertainty existed in the 
minds of bidders ; and, in my opinion, every bid put in was regular, 
none could be excluded, and the lowest bid for the gross and the low- 
est bid for the cubic yard were each " the lowest bidder" — an anom- 
aly never before existing to my knowledge. 

But there are other objections. The Common Council by this 
proceeding is virtually " doing executive business." It is awarding 
and making contracts. No other construction can be fairly put upon 
this transaction. It takes from the head of an executive department, 
the power of deciding who is the lowest bidder, (actually reversing 
his decision ;) in whom, in my judgment, the charter and the ordinance 
of 1849 expressly place it. It is no answer to say that the Street 
Commissioner is left the power to make the award and to execute 
the contract, because he is deprived of all discretion in the premises, 
and is made the mere machine of the Common Council, under whose 
exclusive direction he is forced to act. If the legislative department 
of the city government can designate the parties by whom work shall 
be done, against the decision of a head of a department, it can name 
the parties by whom supplies shall be furnished, and by a further 
slight encroachment can fix the price and order the money paid, all 
under the plea that it is simply making an appropriation and confirm- 
ing a contract. 

As I have stated upon another occasion, the government of this 
city, like all American governments, is divided into the legislative, 
the executive, and the judicial. The first can merely make laws, the 
second executes, and the last expounds them. "With the Common 
Council of New- York all power beyond legislation is cut off entirely 
by the amended charter. It is left less of executive prerogative than 
any other legislative body in the country. The restriction is ex- 



APPENDIX. 329 

tremely stringent. The Legislature appears to have been jealous of 
the exercise of this authority by those bodies, seeing less danger in 
the executive than in the legislative branches of our city government. 
Whether there be less danger or not can not be considered now ; the 
only question is, how far it is competent for the Common Council to 
go into the transaction of other than strictly law-making business ; 
my own views are clear on this point ; the limit is decided, and so 
long as the power is placed in my hands, I shall interpose every legal 
obstacle in the way of any transgression. 

Tliere are other points of objection appertaining more particularly 
to details, to which it will be unnecessary to allude. I do not see how 
we are to surmount those already enumerated. If, however, you do 
not concur with me, permit me to suggest that before making any 
contract for this work, careful surveys be made by competent and 
honest engineers, and that the money to pay for it be placed in the 
tax bill, and authority be procured from the Legislature to raise it 
for this purpose. Very respectfully, 

Fernando Wood, Mayor. 



INDICTMENT OF ALDERMEN. 

Mayor's Office, New-Tokk, Sept. 2Uh, 1855. 

To the Honorable the Board of Aldermen : 

Gentlemen : I inclose a copy of a communication made to me 
this day by A. Oakey Hall, Esq., District- Attorney of the city, stat- 
ing that indictments have been found by the Grand-Jury against cer- 
tain members of your body for corrupt practices in the discharge of 
their official duties. However painful and humiliating it is to me to 
make this announcement, and for you to receive it, still we owe a 
duty to the public from which we must not shrink, affect whom it 
may. Your body should not only be purged of every corrupt mem- 
ber who may hold a place among you, but the utmost penalty of the 
law should be inflicted against every man thus guilty. This commu- 
munity has struggled against its own officials long enough. Its 



330 APPENDIX. 

repeated efforts to reduce the expeuditares, to raise the standard of 
the incumbents of office, and to improve the character of the govern- 
ment of the city, will continue futile so long as the legislative branch 
is impure and unfaithful. From a corrupt fountain nothing but con- 
tamination can flow. A Common Council without integrity, be* 
the source and origin of the ordinances, will not fail to impart its 
own spirit to those who are to execute its proceedings, until the whole 
machinery of government will speedily become rotten and demoral- 
ized. It is the conviction of honest men, that in the management of 
our public affairs we are fast progressing to this lamentable state of 
degradation. In my opinion, public indignation can not be much 
longer suppressed. We are approaching a crisis when the general 
cry will be, "Reformation or revolution." New- York, so strong, so 
proud, so eminent in all that constitutes commercial honor, hard- 
earned wealth, and exalted social position, can not, with all her great- 
ness, long resist the gnawings of this foul canker, working thus 
steadily at her municipal heart. It behoves us, therefore, to make 
common cause in a common effort, without reference to party predi- 
lections or personal animosities, to redeem, if possible, the fair fame 
of our city from the load of official ignominy which is now bearing 
it down. Yery respectfully, 

Fernando Wood, Mayor. 



AMENDED CHARTEK. 

Mayor's Office, New- York, Se2)t 24, 1855. 
To the HonoraUe the Board of Councilmen : 

Gentlemen : I return you herewith a preamble and resolutions 
presented to me for approval, which proposes to create a Joint Com- 
mittee of the two Boards of the Common Council for the purpose of 
devising a new charter for the city. 

By the fourth section of the amendments to the Charter, passed 
April 2, 1849, it is provided that " the two Boards shall have con- 
current powers, and a negative on each other's proceedings, and sliall, 



APPENDIX. 



331 



in all cases, act as separate bodies, and shall not appoint Joint Com- 
mittees, except a Committee on Acmmts.^' Therefore, the Common 
Council have not the power to create Joint Committees for this or 
any other purpose, except only as it relates to accounts. 

I am aware that this resolution, by calling first for the appomt- 
ment of a Committee by your Board, and then a similar Committee 
to " confer with it," by the Board of Aldermen, seeks to avoid what 
i. termed a Joint Committee ; but the wording of the second resolu- 
tion in stating that the two committees may " jointly" make appli- 
cation to the Legislature after having ''jointly" agreed upon a char- 
ter, fixes its character clearly within the restriction of the amended 
charter referred to. , -, , 

But, admitting that thirS objection has been avoided, there are 
otliers'of sufficient weight to prevent my approval. ^ 

One of the peculiar and suspicious features of this proceedmg is 
the last clause of the second resolution, which gives to this Joint 
Committee power to "make application to the Legislature, at its 
next session, for the enactment of the Charter," which it is thus em- 
powered to devise, without any submission of it to the Common 
Counci^, or to the people of the city. I can not consent to delegate 
such a power to any committee, however unexceptionable as to abihty 
or character. Ten men, to be selected by the two presiding officers 
of the present Common Council, should not be intrusted with such an 
important duty, to be performed without check, without supervision, 
or even without accountability. 

Vnother objection, not much less forcible, is that this Committee 
is authorized to proceed to a Legislature yet to be chosen, when the 
body it purports to represent must have ceased to have an official 
exi'^tence The Legislature does not convene before January next, 
Vnen an entire new Board of Councilmen and new members for one 
half of the Board of Aldermen will be sitting in the places now filled 
by the bodies which get up this proceeding. How then could this 
Joint Committee with propriety represent the Mayor and Common- 
ality of New-York, at the time its influence is to be exercised ? 

It is not necessary to state the many difficulties which present 
themselves to me in the way of the measure. That the Charter 



832 APPENDIX. • 

should be amended all admit ; that it is exceedingly defective and 
susceptible of great improvement, we all know. This subject was 
alluded to in the first communication submitted to the Common Coun- 
cil on the 1st of January last. A portion of the intervening months 
could have been profitably passed in devising a proper Charter, which 
after due deliberation and general consultation would be ready to be 
presented to the next Legislature for adoption. 

It is now too late for this Common Council to take up the subject. 

The next Common Council will be " fresh from the people," and 
probably command public confidence to a greater extent. Let the 
duty of amending the Charter be left with your successors. 
Yery respectfully, 

Fernando Wood, Mayor. 



APEOPOS OF PAUPER AND FELON EMIGRANTS. 

Office of City Infirmary, Cincinnati, Oct. 23,_ 1855. 
Eon. Fernando Wood, Mayor of the City of NewYork: 

Dear Sir : Having heard and read frequent reports of the vigor you 
exercise in regard to the importations of foreign paupers into your city, 
by the aid and sanction of foreign governments, we would respectfully 
call your attention to facts which have been made manifest to us for 
some time back, in relation to the trans-shipment of foreign paupers 
to the West, by aid of the Emigration Societies, and, as is alleged, by 
your city authorities. Of this last, however, we know nothing cer- 
tain, having only the words of the paupers arriving here. But this 
much is certain, that we have almost weekly arrivals of batches of 
from three to twelve paupers, who are sent here from your city, and 
are landed amongst us without money or friends, many of whom are 
Bick when landed, whose expenses to this place are paid by the Emi- 
gration Societies of your city, or by the city authorities themselves- 
These, if not sent back, would soon become a public charge upon us. 
Many are in a sickly condition, and can not be sent back ; others 



appendix:. 833 

lin'^er along for a while until they become fastened upon us, and 
finally become a public charge for life. 

We ask you if this is right — well knowing, from the estimate we 
have formed of your character, that your response will be emphati- 
cally " No." We therefore call upon you to aid us in putting a stop 
to this nefarious practice, by all the power you can bring to your 
aid, a^ soon as possible. We are informed that by your laws you 
compel each and every foreigner arriving at your port, to pay two 
dollars towards a fund, from which to pay the expenses of any for- 
eigners who may hereafter become a charge on your poor fund. This 
fund, from the great number of emigrants arriving at your port, must 
necessarily be very large, and ought to be sufiScient to keep them, 
without sending them away to be maintained at the expense of our 
and other cities, who have no such fund. 

We have come to the determination to send all back, as fast as 
they come, hereafter ; and, as a matter of justice to us, we call upon 
you to use your authority to stay the evil, or, if you have no power 
in Ifte premises, at least to expose the matter, so that we may know 
v]\ir£ iht blsme rests, and apply the proper remedy. 

Kespectfully yours, A. S. Horkung, 

Clerk Board City Infirmary. 
'Ifj OL^rx of Adam Hornung, 

William CrossmAx\, \ Directors City Infirmary. 
Geo. a. Peter, 



Mayor's Office, New-York, Nov. 3, 1855. 
Dear Sirs : Your letter of the 23d ult., respecting the supposed 
vans-shipment of foreign criminals and paupers from this city to the 
West, by the authorities and emigrant societies of New-York, would 
have been replied to sooner but for pressing public duties. I have 
now the pleasure to advise that such is not the fact, and that I am 
confident no such violation of the common principles of justice and 
courtesy has ever taken place in this city. 



834 APPENDIX. 

You are quite right in supposing that my own feelings and views 
would be hostile to practices of this character, upon the part of the 
authorities and others here. The stand taken by me with reference 
to the shipment to our port of these unfortunates, by the local author- 
ities of European governments, would preclude me from countenanc- 
ing the perpetration of the same wrong upon the people of your city. 
It would be impossible for me to do that which I have so often de- 
nounced in others. But it is very certain, there have been no such 
trans-shipments. The emigrant paupers and criminals to whom you 
allude, as having been forwarded to Cincinnati, were no doubt sent 
thither direct from the prisons of their own country. This has been 
the practice for several years. The stringency of my own course, in 
objecting to the reception and incorporation of this outcast popula- 
tion into our own community, has no doubt had the effect to increase 
this practice, in supposed avoidance of the grounds upon which we 
refuse to receive them. I am happy to advise, however, that it has 
had no such tendency. I feel it incumbent upon me not only to pro- 
tect New- York, but the whole country, from so great an evil, so far 
as I have the power, and reject and return forthwith every such per- 
son known to me, whether intended to be domiciled in this city or 
sent to the West. My policy and practice has been to return them 
forthwith, if possible by the vessel that brought them. The Ham- 
burgh ship Deutschland, from Hamburgh, which arrived at this port 
on the 17th September, brought four criminals, sent out by the order 
and at the expense of the authorities of Giistrow, Duchy of Mecklen- 
burg, direct from the prison at that place. These persons were pro- 
vided with through-tickets from Xew-York to Milwaukee. These 
tickets w^ere purchased from the agents in Hamburgh. All the 
principal forwarding lines have agencies in the leading European 
cities, for the sale of through-tickets into the interior of this country. 
Thus you will see that although the foreign emigrants, alluded to 
by you, may properly represent themselves as from this city, they 
have merely passed through it, en route from some workhouse or poor- 
house in other lands ; and instead of being sent by our own authorities, 
have been forwarded, even to your very doors, by the inhumane and 
inhospitable governors and overseers of their own country. 



APPENDIX. 835 

I fully appreciate the sentiments expressed in your letter, on this 
subject. In my judgment, the evil is becoming of sufficient magni- 
tude to call for the action of the General Government. Our whole 
country is more or less interested. Its effect upon society and taxa- 
tion is no longer insignificant, and must soon attract the thoughtful 
concern of the statesman and patriot. Very respectfully, 

Ferxando Wood, Mayor. 
To Messrs. Adam Hornung, 

William Grossman, ^ Directors City Infirmary. 

Geo. a. Peter, 



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